john dewitt essay 2 summary

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The Anti-Federalist Papers

This article, published in a Massachusetts newspaper, makes the case against ratifying the proposed Constitution. The anonymous author writes under the name of “John DeWitt,” a 17th-century Dutch patriot. Although the author supports the idea of a perpetual union among the states, he fears that the new government might endanger the people’s rights and liberties.

• Government & Politics
• Ideas & Ideologies

Amendment IX

"John DeWitt," NO. 2

The Compact itself is a recital upon paper of that proportion of the subject's natural rights, intended to be parted with, for the benefit of adverting to it in case of dispute. Miserable indeed would be the situation of those individual States who have not prefixed to their Constitutions a Bill of Rights, if, as a very respectable, learned Gentleman at the Southward observes, "the People, when they established the powers of legislation under their separate Governments, invested their Representatives with every right and authority which they did not, in explicit terms, reserve; and therefore upon every question, respecting the jurisdiction of the House of Assembly, if the Frame of Government is silent, the jurisdiction is efficient and complete." In other words, those powers which the people by their Constitutions expressly give them, they enjoy by positive grant, and those remaining ones, which they never meant to give them, and which the Constitutions say nothing about, they enjoy by tacit implication, so that by one means and by the other, they became possessed of the whole.--This doctrine is but poorly calculated for the meridian of America, where the nature of compact, the mode of construing them, and the principles upon which society is founded, are so accurately known and universally diffused. That insatiable thirst for unconditional controul over our fellow-creatures, and the facility of sounds to convey essentially different ideas, produced the first Bill of Rights ever prefixed to a Frame of Government. The people, altho' fully sensible that they reserved every tittle of power they did not expressly grant away, yet afraid that the words made use of, to express those rights so granted might convey more than they originally intended, they chose at the same moment to express in different language those rights which the agreement did not include, and which they never designed to part with, endeavoring thereby to prevent any cause for future altercation and the intrusion into society of that doctrine of tacit implication which has been the favorite theme of every tyrant from the origin of all governments to the present day.

Storing, Herbert J., ed. The Complete Anti-Federalist . 7 vols. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981.

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The Anti-Federalist Papers ; and the Constitutional Convention Debates

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• Oct 22, 2023

The Anti-Federalist Papers: John DeWitt I

On this day in 1787, an author writing under the pseudonym “John DeWitt” writes his first contribution to the anti-Federalist Papers. These papers argued against the new Constitution, then being considered for ratification by the states.

DeWitt’s points are simple. First, he wants everyone to slow down! The newly proposed Constitution should be considered carefully. Why, he wonders, does everyone feel the need to go so fast?

“I am a stranger to the necessity for all this haste!” DeWitt exclaims. “Is it not a subject of some small importance? Certainly it is. —Are not your lives, your liberties and properties intimately involved in it? — Certainly they are. Is it a government for a moment, a day, or a year? By no means — but for ages — Altered it may possibly be, but it is easier to correct before it is adopted.”

After all, once the people give power to the government, it is very, very difficult to get that power back.

We know that dynamic all too well, don’t we?

DeWitt urges his fellow citizens in Massachusetts to remember that different states will have different interests in the new government. Massachusetts does not have to approve the Constitution, just because other states do. “That the citizens of Philadelphia are running mad after it,” he notes, “can be no argument for us to do the like: — Their situation is almost contrasted with ours; they suppose themselves a central State; they expect the perpetual residence of Congress, which of itself alone will ensure their aggrandizement: We, on the contrary, are sure to be near one of the extremes; neither the loaves or fishes will be so plenty with us, or shall we be so handy to procure them.”

Yes! States have different interests, perspectives, and needs. It’s a point that is forgotten all too often today.

DeWitt concludes by acknowledging that some type of federal union will be necessary. He also agrees that the new “National Government ought to be armed with all necessary powers.” The subject, however, is “of infinite delicacy, and requires both ability and reflection.” He reminds his readers that their liberties were “dearly bought.” Everyone should have time to think about what steps should be taken next.

DeWitt will continue with another paper in a few days.

• Federalist & Anti-Federalist Papers

John DeWitt II

27 October 1787

To the Free Citizens of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

In my last address upon the proceedings of the Federal Convention I endeavored to convince you of the importance of the subject, that it required a cool, dispassionate examination, and a thorough investigation, previous to its adoption—that it was not a mere revision and amendment of our first Confederation, but a compleat System for the future government of the United States, and I may now add in preference to, and in exclusion of, all others heretofore adopted.—It is not TEMPORARY , but in its nature, PERPETUAL . —It is not designed that you shall be annually called, either to revise, correct, or renew it; but, that your posterity shall grow up under, and be governed by it, as well as ourselves.—It is not so capable of alterations as you would at the first reading suppose; and I venture to assert, it never can be, unless by force of arms. The fifth article in the proceedings, it is true, expressly provides for an alteration under certain conditions, whenever "it shall be ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by Congress."—Notwithstanding which, such are the "heterogeneous materials from which this System was formed," such is the difference of interest, different manners, and different local prejudices, in the different parts of the United States, that to obtain that majority of three fourths to any one single alteration, essentially affecting this or any other State, amounts to an absolute impossibility. The conduct of the Delegates in dissolving the Convention, plainly speaks this language, and no other.—Their sentiments in their Letter to his Excellency the President of Congress are—That this Constitution was the result of a spirit of amity—that the parties came together disposed to concede as much as possible each to the other—that mutual concessions and compromises did, in fact, take place, and all those which could, consistent with the peculiarity of their political situation. Their dissolution enforces the same sentiment, by confining you to the alternative of taking or refusing their doings in the gross. In this view, who is there to be found among us, who can seriously assert, that this Constitution, after ratification and being practiced upon, will be so easy of alteration? Where is the probability that a future Convention, in any future day, will be found possessed of a greater spirit of amity and mutual concession than the present? Where is the probability that three fourths of the States in that Convention, or three fourths of the Legislatures of the different States, whose interests differ scarcely in nothing short of every thing, will be so very ready or willing materially to change any part of this System, which shall be to the emolument of an individual State only? No, my fellow-citizens, as you are now obliged to take it in the whole, so you must hereafter administer it in whole, without the prospect of change, unless by again reverting to, a state of Nature, which will be ever opposed with success by those who approve of the Government in being.

That the want of a Bill of Rights to accompany this proposed System, is a solid objection to it, provided there is nothing exceptionable in the System itself, I do not assert.—If, however, there is at any time, a propriety in having one, it would not have been amiss here. A people, entering into society, surrender such a part of their natural rights, as shall be necessary for the existence of that society. They are so precious in themselves, that they would never be parted with, did not the preservation of the remainder require it. They are entrusted in the hands of those, who are very willing to receive them, who are naturally fond of exercising of them, and whose passions are always striving to make a bad use of them.— They are conveyed by a written compact, expressing those which are given up, and the mode in which those reserved shall be secured. Language is so easy of explanation, and so difficult is it by words to convey exact ideas, that the party to be governed cannot be too explicit. The line cannot be drawn with too much precision and accuracy. The necessity of this accuracy and this precision encreases in proportion to the greatness of the sacrifice and the numbers who make it.—That a Constitution for the United States does not require a Bill of Rights, when it is considered, that a Constitution for an individual State would, I cannot conceive.—The difference between them is only in the numbers of the parties concerned they are both a compact between the Governors and Governed the letter of which must be adhered to in discussing their powers. That which is not expressly granted, is of course retained.

The Compact itself is a recital upon paper of that proportion of the subject's natural rights, intended to be parted with, for the benefit of adverting to it in case of dispute. Miserable indeed would be the situation of those individual States who have not prefixed to their Constitutions a Bill of Rights, if, as a very respectable, learned Gentleman at the Southward observes, "the People, when they established the powers of legislation under their separate Governments, invested their Representatives with every right and authority which they did not, in explicit terms, reserve; and therefore upon every question, respecting the jurisdiction of the House of Assembly, if the Frame of Government is silent, the jurisdiction of the House of Assembly, if the Frame of Government is silent, the jurisdiction is efficient and complete." [ 4 ] In other words, those powers which the people by their Constitutions expressly give them; they enjoy by positive grant, and those remaining ones, which they never meant to give them, and which the Constitutions say nothing about, they enjoy by tacit implication, so that by one means and by the other, they became possessed of the whole.—This doctrine is but poorly calculated for the meridian of America, where the nature of compact, the mode of construing them, and the principles upon which society is founded, are so accurately known and universally diffused. That insatiable thirst for unconditional controul over our fellow-creatures, and the facility of sounds to convey essentially different ideas, produced the first Bill of Rights ever prefixed to a Frame of Government. The people, although fully sensible that they reserved every tittle of power they did not expressly grant away, yet afraid that the words made use of, to express those rights so granted might convey more than they originally intended, they chose at the same moment to express in different language those rights which the agreement did not include, and which they never designed to part with, endeavoring thereby to prevent any cause for future altercation and the intrusion into society of that doctrine of tacit implication which has been the favorite theme of every tyrant from the origin of all governments to the present day.

The proceedings of the Convention are now handed to you by your Legislature, and the second Wednesday in January is appointed for your final answer. To enable you to give that with propriety; that your future reflections may produce peace, however opposed the present issue of your present conduct may be to your present expectations, you must determine, that, in order to support with dignity the Federal Union, it is proper and fit, that the present Confederation shall be annihilated:—That the future Congress of the United States shall be armed with the powers of Legislation, Judgment and Execution.—That annual elections in this Congress shall not be known, and the most powerful body, the Senate, in which a due proportion of representation is not preserved, and in which the smallest State has equal weight with the largest, be the longest in duration:—That it is not necessary for the public good, that persons habituated to the exercise of power should ever be reminded from whence they derive it, by a return to the station of private citizens, but that they shall at all times at the expiration of the term for which they were elected to an office, be capable of immediate re-election to that same office:— That you will hereafter risk the probability of having the Chief Executive Branch chosen from among you; and that it is wholly indifferent, both to you and your children after you, whether this future Government shall be administered within the territories of your own State, or at the distance of four thousand miles from them.—You must also determine, that they shall have the exclusive power of imposts and the duties on imports and exports, the power of laying excises and other duties, and the additional power of laying internal taxes upon your lands, your goods, your chattels, as well as your persons at their sovereign pleasure:—That the produce of these several funds shall be appropriated to the use of the United States, and collected by their own officers, armed with a military force, if a civil aid should not prove sufficient:—that the power of organizing, arming and disciplining the militia shall be lodged in them, and this through fear that they shall not be sufficiently attentive to keeping so respectable a body of men as the yeomanry of this Commonwealth, compleatly armed, organized and disciplined; they shall have also the power of raising, supporting and establishing a standing army in time of peace in your several towns, and I see not why in your several houses:—That should an insurrection or an invasion, however small, take place, in Georgia, the extremity of the Continent, it is highly expedient they should have the power of suspending the writ of Habeas Corpus in Massachusetts, and as long as they shall judge the public safety requires it:—You must also say, that your present Supreme Judicial Court shall be an Inferior Court to a Continental Court, which is to be inferior to the Supreme Court of the United States:—that from an undue bias which they are supposed to have for the citizens of their own States, they shall not be competent to determine title to your real estate, disputes which may arise upon a protested Bill of Exchange, a simple note of hand, or book debt, wherein your citizens shall be unfortunately involved with disputes of such or any other kind, with citizens either of other States or foreign States: In all such cases they shall have a right to carry their causes to the Supreme Court of the United States, whether for delay only or vexation; however distant from the place of your abode, or inconsistent with your circumstances:—That such appeals shall be extended to matters of fact as well as law, and a trial of the cause by jury you shall not have a right to insist upon.—In short, my fellow-citizens, previous to a capacity of giving a compleat answer to these proceedings, you must determine that the Constitution of your Commonwealth, which is instructive, beautiful and consistent in practice, which has been justly admired in Europe, as a model of perfection, and which the present Convention have affected to imitate, a Constitution which is especially calculated for your territory, and is made conformable to your genius, your habits, the mode of holding your estates, and your particular interests, shall be reduced in its powers to those of a City Corporation:—The skeleton of it may remain, but its vital principle shall be transferred to the new Government: Nay, you must go still further, and agree to invest the new Congress with powers, which you have yet thought proper to withhold from your own present Government. —All these, and more, which are contained in the proceedings of the Federal Convention, may be highly proper and necessary.—In this overturn of all individual governments, in this new-fashioned set of ideas, and in this total dereliction of those sentiments which animated us in 1775, the Political Salvation of the United States may be very deeply interested, but BE CAUTIOUS .

John DeWitt

[ 4 ] Speech of James Wilson, October 6, 1787.

• The Address and Reasons of Dissent of the Minority of the Convention of Pennsylvania to their Constituents

Here are the facts and trivia that people are buzzing about.

Timeline of the Antifederalists

Introduction

Public opposition to the proposed new government began immediately after the release of the Constitution on September 17, 1787, and was preceded by private objections expressed at the Constitutional Convention and in letters between leaders knowledgeable about what was going on in Philadelphia. As states began ratifying the Constitution, Antifederalist efforts either dropped out of the newspapers entirely, effectively ending the “out of doors debates” in a given state, or in many cases transformed, focusing on what amendments the new government should take up first, and who should be elected to the House and Senate seats. Instead of disappearing upon what would seem like defeat, Antifederalists merely adjusted, and continued their work to sway public opinion to try and shape things to conform to their views of good, republican government.

• May 16, 1787: The Continental Convention  (Pennsylvania)
• June 20, 1787: John Lansing, George Mason, and Luther Martin (Constitutional Convention)
• June 27-28,1787: Luther Martin’s Objections (Constitutional Convention)

September 1787

• Sept 10, 1787: Objections of Edmund Randolph (Constitutional Convention)
• Sept 13, 1787: Objections to the Constitution by George Mason  (Virginia)
• Sept 15, 1787: Objections of Elbridge Gerry (Constitutional Convention)
• Sept 27, 1787: Cato I (New York)
• Sept 29, 1787: Curtius No. I (New York)

October 1787

• Oct 1, 1787: Letter from Richard Henry Lee to George Mason (Virginia)
• Oct 5, 1787: Centinel I (Pennsylvania)
• Oct 8, 1787: Federal Farmer I (Virginia)
• Oct 9, 1787: Federal Farmer II (Virginia)
• Oct 10, 1787: Federal Farmer III (Virginia)
• Oct 10, 1787: Randolph Letter, On the Federal Constitution (Virginia)
• Oct 11, 1787: Cato II (New York)
• Oct 12, 1787: Federal Farmer IV (Virginia)
• Oct 12, 1787: An Old Whig I (Pennsylvania)
• Oct 13, 1787: Federal Farmer V (Virginia)
• Oct 16, 1787: Richard Henry Lee to Edmund Randolph (New York)
• Oct 17, 1787: A Democratic Federalist (Pennsylvania)
• Oct 17, 1787: An Old Whig II (Pennsylvania)
• Oct 18, 1787: Brutus I (New York)
• Oct 18, 1787: Elbridge Gerry’s Objections (Massachusetts)
• Oct 20, 1787: An Old Whig III (Pennsylvania)
• Oct 22, 1787: John DeWitt I (Massachusetts)
• Oct 24, 1787: Centinel II (Pennsylvania)
• Oct 25, 1787: A Republican No. 1 (New York)
• Oct 25, 1787: Cato III (New York)
• Oct 26,1787: Georgia calls for state convention (Georgia)
• Oct 27, 1787: John DeWitt II (Massachusetts)
• Oct 27, 1787: An Old Whig IV (Pennsylvania)

November 1787

• Nov 1, 1787: An Old Whig V (Pennsylvania)
• Nov 1, 1787: Brutus II (New York)
• Nov 1, 1788: Cincinnatus No. 1 (New York)
• Nov 3, 1788: Elbridge Gerry to the Massachusetts General Court (Massachusetts)
• Nov 5, 1787: John DeWitt III (Massachusetts)
• Nov 7, 1787: Philadelphiensis I (Pennsylvania)
• Nov 8, 1787: Centinel III (Pennsylvania)
• Nov 8, 1787: Brutus, Junior (New York)
• Nov 8, 1787: Cato IV (New York)
• Nov 8, 1787: Cincinnatus No. 2 (New York)
• Nov 8, 1787: Federal Farmer: Letters to the Republican (Virginia)
• Nov 15, 1787: Brutus III (New York)
• Nov 15, 1787: Essay by a Georgian (Georgia)
• Nov 21, 1787: George Mason’s Objections (Virginia)
• Nov 22, 1787: Brutus on Mason’s Objections (Virginia)
• Nov 22, 1787: Cato V (New York)
• Nov 22, 1787: Cincinnatus No. 4 (New York)
• Nov 23, 1787: Agrippa I (Massachusetts)
• Nov 24, 1787: An Old Whig VI (Pennsylvania)
• Nov 27, 1787: Agrippa II (Massachusetts)
• Nov 28, 1787: Remarks on the Pennsylvania Ratifying Convention (Pennsylvania)
• Nov 28, 1787: Philadelphiensis II (Pennsylvania)
• Nov 28, 1787: An Old Whig VII (Pennsylvania)
• Nov 28, 1787: A Federal Republican: A Review of the Constitution (Virginia)
• Nov 29, 1787: Brutus IV (New York)
• Nov 29, 1787: James McHenry’s Speech to Maryland State House of Delegates (Maryland)
• Nov 29, 1787: Luther Martin Speech to Maryland State House of Delegates (Maryland)
• Nov 29, 1787: A Countryman III (Connecticut)
• Nov 30, 1787: Centinel IV (Pennsylvania)
• Nov 30, 1787: Agrippa III (Massachusetts)

December 1787

• Dec 1787: John DeWitt IV (Massachusetts)
• Dec 3, 1787: Agrippa IV (Massachusetts)
• Dec 5, 1787: Philadelphiensis III  (Pennsylvania)
• Dec 6, 1787: A Countryman IV (Connecticut)
• Dec 6, 1787: Z . (Massachusetts)
• Dec 6, 1787: Cincinnatus VI (New York)
• Dec 11, 1787: Agrippa V (Massachusetts)
• Dec 12, 1787: Philadelphiensis IV (Pennsylvania)
• Dec 12, 1787: Cato Essay (New York)
• Dec 13, 1787: Brutus V (New York)
• Dec 13, 1787: Alfred (Pennsylvania)
• Dec 14, 1787: Agrippa VI (Massachusetts)
• Dec 16, 1787: Cato VI (New York)
• Dec 18, 1787: Agrippa VII (Massachusetts)
• Dec 18, 1787: The Dissent of the Minority of the Convention of Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania)
• Dec 19, 1787: Philadelphiensis V  (Pennsylvania)
• Dec 20, 1787: A Countryman V (Connecticut)
• Dec 21, 1787: Robert Yates and John Lansing, Reasons of Dissent (New York)
• Dec 25, 1787: Centinel VI (Pennsylvania)
• Dec 25, 1787: One of the People: Antifederalists Maryland Journal (Maryland)
• Dec 25, 1787: Federal Farmer VI (Virginia)
• Dec 25, 1787: Agrippa VIII (Massachusetts)
• Dec 26, 1787: Philadelphiensis IV (Pennsylvania)
• Dec 27, 1787: Centinel VII (Pennsylvania)
• Dec 27, 1787: Brutus VI (New York)
• Dec 28, 1787: Agrippa IX (Massachusetts)
• Dec 28, 1787: Luther Martin: Genuine Information I (Maryland)
• Dec 29, 1787: Centinel VIII (Pennsylvania)
• Dec 31, 1787: Federal Farmer VII (Virginia)

January 1788

• Jan 1788: Address by a Plebian (New York)
• Jan 1, 1788: Agrippa X (Massachusetts)
• Jan 1, 1788: Luther Martin: Genuine Information II (Maryland)
• Jan 3, 1788: Cato VII (New York)
• Jan 3, 1788: Federal Farmer VIII (New York)
• Jan 3, 1788: Brutus VII (New York)
• Jan 4, 1788: Federal Farmer IX (Virginia)
• Jan 4, 1788: Luther Martin: Genuine Information III (Maryland)
• Jan 7, 1788: Federal Farmer X (Virginia)
• Jan 8, 1788: Centinel IX (Pennsylvania)
• Jan 8, 1788: Luther Martin: Genuine Information IV (Maryland)
• Jan 8, 1788: Agrippa XI (Massachusetts)
• Jan 10, 1788: Brutus VIII (New York)
• Jan 10, 1788: Philadelphiensis VII  (Pennsylvania)
• Jan 11, 1788: Federal Farmer XI (Virginia)
• Jan 11, 1788: Agrippa XII Part 1 (Massachusetts)
• Jan 11, 1788: Luther Martin: Genuine Information V (Maryland)
• Jan 12, 1788: Federal Farmer XII (Virginia)
• Jan 12, 1788: Centinel X (Pennsylvania)
• Jan 14, 1788: Agrippa XII Part 2  (Massachusetts)
• Jan 14, 1788: Federal Farmer XIII (Virginia)
• Jan 14, 1788: The Report of the New York’s Delegates to the Constitutional Convention (New York)
• Jan 15, 1788: Luther Martin: Genuine Information VI (Maryland)
• Jan 16, 1788: Centinel XI (Pennsylvania)
• Jan 17, 1788: Brutus IX (New York)
• Jan 17, 1788: Federal Farmer XIV (Virginia)
• Jan 17, 1788: Charles Turner Speech, Massachusetts Convention (Massachusetts)
• Jan 18, 1788:  Agrippa XII Part 3 (Massachusetts)
• Jan 18, 1788: Luther Martin: Genuine Information VII (Maryland)
• Jan 18, 1788: Federal Farmer XV (Virginia)
• Jan 22, 1788: Luther Martin: Genuine Information VIII (Maryland)
• Jan 22, 1788: Agrippa XIII (Massachusetts)
• Jan 23, 1788: Centinel XII (Pennsylvania)
• Jan 23, 1788: Federal Farmer XVI (Virginia)
• Jan 23, 1788: A Copy of a Letter from Centinel (Pennsylvania)
• Jan 23, 1788: Philadelphiensis VIII  (Pennsylvania)
• Jan 23, 1788: Federal Farmer XVII (Virginia)
• Jan 24, 1788: Brutus X (New York)
• Jan 25, 1788: Agrippa XIV Part 1  (Massachusetts)
• Jan 25, 1788: Federal Farmer XVIII (Virginia)
• Jan 27, 1788: Luther Martin to Thomas Cockey Deye (Maryland)
• Jan 29, 1788: Genuine Information IX (Maryland)
• Jan 29, 1788: Luther Martin: Genuine Information IX (Maryland)
• Jan 29, 1788: Agrippa XIV Part 2   (Massachusetts)
• Jan 29, 1788:  Agrippa XV  (Massachusetts)
• Jan 30, 1788: Centinel XIII (Pennsylvania)
• Jan 31, 1788: Brutus XI (New York)

February 1788

• Feb 1, 1788: Luther Martin: Genuine Information X (Maryland)
• Feb 5, 1788: Agrippa XVI  (Massachusetts)
• Feb 5, 1788: Centinel XIV (Pennsylvania)
• Feb 5, 1788: Sidney I (New York)
• Feb 6, 1788: Charles Turner Speech, Massachusetts Convention (Massachusetts)
• Feb 6, 1788: Old Whig VIII  (Pennsylvania)
• Feb 6, 1788: Philadelphiensis IX (Pennsylvania)
• Feb 7, 1788: Brutus XII (Part 1) (New York)
• Feb 8, 1788: Luther Martin: Genuine Information XII (Maryland)
• Feb 14, 1788: Brutus XII (Part 2) (New York)
• Feb 21, 1788: Brutus XIII (New York)
• Feb 21, 1788: Sidney No. 2 (New York)
• Feb 22, 1788: Centinel XV (Pennsylvania)
• Feb 26, 1788: Centinel XVI (Pennsylvania)
• Feb 28, 1788: Brutus XIV   (Part 1) (New York)
• Mar 6, 1788: Brutus XIV (Part 2) (New York)
• Mar 7, 1788: Maryland Farmer No. 3, Part 1 (Maryland)
• Mar 8, 1788: Philadelphiensis XI  (Pennsylvania)
• Mar 18, 1788: Maryland Farmer No. 3, Part 2 (Maryland)
• Mar 18, 1788: Luther Martin: Address No. 1 (Maryland)
• Mar 20, 1788: Brutus XV (New York)
• Mar 21, 1788: Luther Martin: Address No. 2 (Maryland)
• Mar 24, 1788: Centinel XVII (Pennsylvania)
• Mar 28, 1788: Luther Martin: Address No. 3 (Maryland)
• Mar 30, 1788: Luther Martin to the Citizens of the United States (Maryland)
• Apr 4, 1788: Maryland Farmer Essay VII (Part 1) (Maryland)
• Apr 4, 1788: Luther Martin: Address No. 4 (Maryland)
• Apr 9, 1788: Centinel XVIII (Pennsylvania)
• Apr 9, 1788: Philadelphiensis XII  (Pennsylvania)
• Apr 10, 1788: Brutus XVI (New York)
• Apr 10, 1788: Spurious Luther Martin: Address No. 5 (Pennsylvania)
• Apr 17, 1788: A Plebeian: An Address to the People of New York (New York)
• Apr 18, 1788: Elbridge Gerry Responds to the Maryland “Landholder” X (Massachusetts)
• May 2, 1788: Federal Farmer: An Additional Number of Letters to the Republican (Virginia)
• May 25, 1788: James Monroe: Observations on the Constitution (Virginia)
• June 4-5, 1788: Patrick Henry, Virginia Ratifying Convention (Virginia)
• June 4, 1788: George Mason Speech at the VA Ratifying Convention (Virginia)
• June 20, 1788: Melancton Smith, New York Ratifying Convention (New York)
• June 24, 1788: John Lansing, New York Ratifying Convention (New York)

John dewitt essay ii summary - ANTI-FEDERALIST PAPERS

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Staar expository essay lined paper notepads qualitative doctoral dissertation proposal development listing coursework on cv zone ocr geography coursework exemplar va dissertation research award siu obituary essay on my favourite story book summary english quizlet essay on to kill a mockingbird coming of age yet. Essay John summary dewitt 2 To john a mockingbird racism essay thesis review, dissertation defense presentation outline quiz essay essay css paper editions essays violent video games impact, romeo and juliet tragic love story essay essay short story about friendship ks dissertation summary template pdf, college essay closing ky Logan: November 20, Essays in Zoology: Papers Commemorating the 40th Anniv - essay on christmas day in marathi songs methode simple dissertation philosophie thesis dissertation repository essay on importance of science and technology in human development Daniel: In this view, who is there to dewitt found among us, who can dewitt assert, that this Constitution, after ratification and being practiced upon, will be so easy of alteration?

Where is the essay that a summary Convention, in any future day, will be found possessed of a greater spirit of essay and mutual concession than the present? Where is the probability that three fourths of the States in that Convention, or three fourths of the Legislatures of the summary States, whose interests differ scarcely in nothing short of every dewitt, will be so very ready or willing materially to john any part of this System, which shall be to the emolument of an individual State only?

No, my fellow-citizens, as you are now obliged to take it in the whole, so you must hereafter administer it in whole, without digits homework helper volume 1 answer key prospect of change, unless by again reverting to, a state of Nature, which will be ever opposed with success by those who approve of the Government in being.

That the want of a Bill of Rights to accompany this proposed System, is a john dewitt to it, provided there is nothing exceptionable in the System itself, I do not assert.

A people, entering into society, surrender such a part of their natural rights, as shall be necessary for the existence of that society. They are so precious in themselves, that they would never be parted with, did not the preservation of the remainder require it.

They are entrusted in the hands of those, who are very willing to receive them, who are naturally fond of exercising of them, and whose passions are always striving to make a bad use of them. Language is so easy of explanation, and so difficult is it by words to convey exact ideas, that the party to be governed cannot be too explicit.

Cherry fruit essay line cannot be drawn with too much precision and accuracy. The necessity of this accuracy and this precision encreases in proportion to the greatness of the sacrifice and the numbers who make it. That which is not expressly granted, is of course retained.

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