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BMC Women's Health volume 21 , Article number: 357 ( 2021 ) Cite this article
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A number of factors may determine family planning decisions; however, some may be dependent on the social and cultural context. To understand these factors, we conducted a qualitative study with family planning providers and community stakeholders in a diverse, low-income neighborhood of Istanbul, Turkey.
We used purposeful sampling to recruit 16 respondents (eight family planning service providers and eight community stakeholders) based on their potential role and influence on matters related to sexual and reproductive health issues. Interviews were audio-recorded with participants' permission and subsequently transcribed in Turkish and translated into English for analysis. We applied a multi-stage analytical strategy, following the principles of the constant comparative method to develop a codebook and identify key themes.
Results indicate that family planning decision-making—that is, decision on whether or not to avoid a pregnancy—is largely considered a women’s issue although men do not actively object to family planning or play a passive role in actual use of methods. Many respondents indicated that women generally prefer to use family planning methods that do not have side-effects and are convenient to use. Although women trust healthcare providers and the information that they receive from them, they prefer to obtain contraceptive advice from friends and family members. Additionally, attitude of men toward childbearing, fertility desires, characteristics of providers, and religious beliefs of the couple exert considerable influence on family planning decisions.
Numerous factors influence family planning decision-making in Turkey. Women have a strong preference for traditional methods compared to modern contraceptives. Additionally, religious factors play a leading role in the choice of the particular method, such as withdrawal. Besides, there is a lack of men’s involvement in family planning decision-making. Public health interventions should focus on incorporating men into their efforts and understanding how providers can better provide information to women about contraception.
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There is considerable literature on the decision-making process related to fertility, and various factors have been proposed as predictors of family planning decision-making. Women’s characteristics, such as age, parity, level of education, level of income, occupation, and work status are the most frequently cited factors [ 1 , 2 ]. Additionally, previous studies have analyzed diverse factors that influence family planning decision-making within the family, such as power relations [ 3 ] and dominance of male partners [ 2 , 4 ]. Various studies in Turkey have found that many men are motivated to use family planning and would like to share responsibility for family planning decision-making (to use or not use any family planning method) [ 5 , 6 ]. However, there is also a tendency to view family planning as “woman's domain,” which refers to deciding whether to avoid pregnancy or not [ 7 ].
We would like to emphasize that cultural values also play an important role in impacting the use of family planning. Among these cultural factors, perhaps religious values top our list. Previous studies have also included ethnicity, male preference, traditional family values as well as the economic value of children as potential causal factors in determining family planning decisions. The present study aims at identifying significant contextual factors that are likely to influence use of family planning such as socio-cultural and religious norms.
In the 1960s, Turkey adopted a national family planning policy that advocated the use of both traditional and modern contraceptive methods (i.e., sterilization, intrauterine devices (IUDs), implants, injectables, pills, condoms, emergency contraception, lactational amenorrhea (LAM), and standard days method), and expanded access to contraception through health clinics. According to the 2018 Turkey Demographic and Health Survey, women are very knowledgeable about contraception: 97% of all Turkish women know at least one method of contraception [ 8 ]. Further, almost half of married women use a modern contraceptive method [ 8 ]. The most commonly used modern methods are male condoms (19%), IUDs (14%), and female sterilization (10%) [ 8 ]. However, while the use of modern contraceptives increased steadily in the 1980s and 1990s, the prevalence rate has stagnated since the 2000s. Further, a sizable proportion of women continue to rely on traditional methods of family planning, such as withdrawal [ 8 ].
The dominant (almost exclusive) religion in Turkey is Islam. The government, which has been in power since 2002, actively promotes policies that encourage high fertility and discourage contraception and abortion. The Turkish Ministry of Health is responsible for designing and implementing health policies and overseeing all private and public healthcare services in the country. All residents of Turkey who are registered with the Sosyal Güvenlik Kurumu (SGK) Footnote 1 can receive free medical treatment in hospitals contracted by the agency. The services are provided by government hospitals, Aile Sağlığı Merkezi (ASM), Footnote 2 Ana Çocuk Sağlığı ve Aile Planlama Merkezi (AÇSAP), Footnote 3 maternity, and children’s hospitals, training and research hospitals, university hospitals, private hospitals, and private polyclinics. Family planning and abortion services are provided both in public, and private sectors, and modern methods may be accessed for free in government-funded primary health care units and hospitals or from pharmacies and private practitioners for a fee [ 9 ]. In general, most women and couples obtain modern contraception from public sector sources, and pharmacies are the leading source of oral contraceptives and male condoms [ 8 ]. Women and men can also purchase emergency contraception, hormonal and copper IUDs, three-month contraceptive injections (Depo-Provera), and one-month contraceptive injections (Mesigyna) from pharmacies. IUDs cannot be inserted at pharmacies but are taken to health facilities to be inserted. Male condoms can also be purchased from markets and beauty shops.
The Turkish national curriculum does not provide sex education and the subject is rarely discussed in schools [ 10 ]. Since there is no formal education on reproductive health, most people are informed about family planning though friends, relatives as well as printed or social media. Basic information, education, and communication materials about contraception are provided by health facilities.
This study aims to delineate the factors that influence family planning decision-making processes from the perspectives of community stakeholders such as prayer group leaders, parent-teacher association members, and family planning service providers. We attempt to understand and explain these factors within the context of social and political tensions in Turkey most important of which are ethnic and secular-religious cleavages.
We used purposive sampling [ 11 , 12 ] to interview eight family planning service providers and eight community stakeholders in Bagcilar, Istanbul. Our sample includes fifteen females and one male participant. We determined the number of interviews based on the principles of theoretical saturation (i.e., the criterion for judging when to terminate interviewing at the point when no new information was being generated [ 13 ].
Bagcilar is one of the largest districts in Turkey with a population of 745,125 in 2019 [ 14 ]. We sampled key informants from different professional backgrounds, with different social status within their respective communities, and based on their role in influencing reproductive health. This enabled us to understand broader community and provider perspectives about women’s health concerns. In-depth interviews were conducted between April and May 2019.
We partnered with a local research firm that had extensive experience in conducting qualitative studies in the area. The research firm and research team generated a list of potential community stakeholders (such as members of local government, religious leaders, women’s groups, and community groups) and the research team made visits to the study area to organize the interviews. We identified service providers from public and private hospitals that offered family planning services in the study area, from a health facility assessment that we conducted less than six months prior. To map the availability of and access to family planning and abortion services, we conducted a facility survey in public and private facilitates that provided reproductive health services in the study area. The facility survey captured data on service availability and facility readiness (including staffing, hours of operation, and payment of user fees), services provided (including counseling, physical examination and contraceptive, and abortion methods), and commodity supplies. These were supplemented with in-depth interviews with key informants. The research firm used separate standardized scripts to recruit family planning providers and community stakeholders. The recruitment script included details about the study, its aim, and contact information for the principal investigators. The research firm scheduled a time for interview with providers and community stakeholders who were willing to participate in the study.
All respondents spoke Turkish and interviews were conducted by a trained Turkish female interviewer who was employed by the research firm. The interviewer had a university degree and was employed as a fieldwork director by the local research firm at the time of the interview. After a refresher training session about principles and techniques of qualitative research, ethics and confidentiality, and role-playing exercises with a supervisor, the interviewer piloted two different semi-structured interview guides (see selected questions in Table 1 ) (one interview with a family planning service provider and one interview with a community stakeholder). The interview guides were developed for this study in English and translated into Turkish (see Additional files 1 and 2 ). A randomly selected sample (approximately 5%) of the transcripts were back-translated and reviewed by the research team to ensure that translations were consistent and of high quality. The service provider interview guide included several topics related to accessing family planning, factors influencing decision to use contraception, and barriers to and facilitators of family planning use in the community. The community stakeholder interviewer guide captured information on socio-cultural beliefs influencing community preferences and attitudes regarding family planning. Topics were related to the availability and accessibility of contraceptives, the demand for contraception and abortion services, the influence of attitudes and beliefs on contraception and abortion accessibility, decision-making, and behavior of women regarding gender norms and decision-making between couples. The Turkish version of the interview guide was amended based on questions and feedback obtained during training and pilot test.
All participants received written information about the study and provided oral consent to participate. We did not collect any identifying information from participants. Face-to-face interviews were conducted in a private space (i.e., private rooms at the facilities for family planning service providers and community stakeholders’ homes), and audio recorded with permission from the participants. The interviewer took field notes during the interview. On average, interviews lasted approximately one hour. After interviews were completed, the research team transcribed each interview in Turkish and then translated it into English for coding and analysis. Transcripts were double-coded by the research team to ensure accuracy. We did not share transcripts with participants. Before data collection we received ethical approval from the Boards of Harvard School of Public Health and Bahcesehir University.
We used ATLAS.ti (Version 8.0, Scientific Software Development, Berlin) to manage and analyze the data. We further used an inductive, thematic analytical approach, guided by the principles of the constant comparative method to identify key themes arising from the data [ 12 ]. First, four researchers reviewed eight transcripts and developed an initial list of codes and general themes (see Additional file 3 ). Specifically, we used in vivo coding in ATLAS.ti to code participants’ spoken words and used their own words as codes. For example, one participant commented, “ One of my clients said that she would not use birth control pills because it was a sin.” The final title of the code became “sin” and similar statements referring to abortion as a sin were grouped together to create the theme. Next, four members of the study team read two transcripts aloud together and open-coded all text, in line with the principles of open coding and an inductive approach [ 12 ]. We reviewed all codes together (more than 200 codes), merging similar codes and grouping codes into themes and sub-themes. Next, once all major themes and sub-themes were agreed upon, we generated a final codebook, which included 51 sub-codes in six main coding groups, including demographics, family planning, abortion, socially-oriented perspectives, quality of services, and family planning programs. The study team double coded all transcripts. Two members of the study team were assigned to each interview in order to enhance the quality of the analysis.
Several key themes emerged from the data related to family planning decision-making. All themes were identified by two members of the study team. We decided to characterize emerging dominant themes related to most frequently discussed topics across all interviews.
Background characteristics of participants are shown in Table 2 . There were six physicians/gynecologists and two midwives in the group of family planning providers. The service providers in our sample had been providing family planning services for between one and 22 years. Regarding community stakeholders, two were associated with Ak Parti—the religiously conservative, ruling political party- as members Footnote 4 and representatives, Footnote 5 two were local parent-teacher association members, one was a neighborhood representative’s assistant and another was a member of a local prayer group. Additionally, there was a pharmacist and a pharmacist’s assistant in the group of community stakeholders. The pharmacist and the pharmacist’s assistant were assigned to the community stakeholder group since they frequently provided informal advice to women about contraceptive use and other reproductive health-related topics.
We wanted to understand family planning decision-making process in relation to decisions about whether to avoid pregnancy or not. Three main themes identified by the study team emerged from the transcripts, including the decision-making process, the role of male partners, and the role of religious beliefs on reproductive health decisions, that provide insight into how women and couples decide to use contraception, how they learn about contraception, and the types of contraceptives women and couples prefer (Table 3 ). In general, we found that there was considerable demand for modern contraceptives among women. The majority of respondents mentioned the increasing awareness about modern contraceptive methods, most notably young women wishing to delay or space childbearing and women who wish to limit births once they achieve their ideal family size. Providers’ narratives implied that they are supportive of these growing modern contraceptive trends and actively encouraged young women to take actions to meet their reproductive needs.
Respondents differed in what they perceived as the most preferred contraceptive method for women. While they discussed a variety of modern contraceptive methods used by women in their communities, many agreed that traditional methods, such as withdrawal or periodic abstinence, were preferred. They frequently believed these traditional methods to be more effective than other modern methods, and also explained that women prefer these methods to avoid side effects and also for convenience in use. A gynecologist who had been serving in this position for four months said:
If you leave it to the clients, they will still use the withdrawal method. It does not matter if they are educated or not. Nearly 70% of them still use the withdrawal method… They think it is safe. They say they have been using it for five years and nothing happened, so they continue [to use it] . (Interviewee 15, Family planning provider)
Most respondents agreed that the use of contraception is a woman’s decision. A parent-teacher association member noted that “… women have to think about [birth control] as they are the ones who take care of the children. So the women make the decisions.” (Interviewee 8, Community stakeholder). Moreover, another participant summarized the situation with the following comment: “ Because they [women] don’t want to get pregnant. It is always the women who endure the hardships of pregnancy, so they make the decisions” (Interviewee 11, Community stakeholder). Although most respondents agreed that women are more likely than men to be involved in the choice of a preferred contraceptive method, decision-making within a family is multi-layered. Some respondents reported that mothers-in-law and fathers-in-law are also important actors who exert an influence on family planning matters. A physician who had been providing family planning services for approximately nine years explained:
I had a few clients whose mothers-in-law wanted their daughters-in-law to have more children. And this affects the spouses or the husbands and they think about having another child. As they live together, the mother-in-law or even the father-in-law influences [their decisions to have another child] . (Interviewee 6, Family planning provider)
All participants reported that modern contraceptive methods are widely available and easy to access from health care centers and pharmacies. The majority of respondents (both providers and community stakeholders) reported that women trust and respect family planning service providers. Nevertheless, with regard to obtaining information, women trust the contraceptive experience of other people like their friends and family members and therefore mostly rely on second hand information. A community stakeholder commented:
First, they [women] talk among themselves. For example, she asks me how I manage birth control, how I prevent pregnancy. I say that I use the pill or injections or that my husband uses a method. She says that if it is good, she will do it too. Then she goes to the health center to ask the nurses…It is the culture of the women here, nothing else. It is better for them to hear it instead of searching and learning, I think . (Interviewee 1, Community stakeholder)
A few participants discussed the influence that the characteristics of providers can have on decision-making. The narratives suggested that decision-making is influenced by accessibility and quality of services. One community stakeholder said:
If the doctor is male, women are shy, but just a little…Their husbands don’t let them [go]. They say “If the doctor is male, you can’t go… When we go there again with our husbands, and the doctor will say that I have been here before. Then I will have problems with my husband” they say . (Interviewee 1, Community stakeholder)
Most participants did not report difficulties with accessing contraception for any particular group of women, and they agreed that unmarried women and adolescent girls can access modern contraception. A few reported that modern contraceptive methods are available, but it is difficult for single women to obtain them, which is an indication of barriers to access among this sub-group of women.
As far as I know, single persons wouldn’t get them from somebody they know [meaning a provider, pharmacist, or friend]. It is easily accessible, but the social pressure is serious. So, it is easily accessible, but it is hard to get . (Interviewee 3, Community stakeholder)
Our findings suggest that there is no single explanation for family planning decisions among women in the study setting. Various factors influence family planning decisions, and factors such as the source of information, characteristics of service provider, and marital status play a role.
Most respondents stated that demand for modern contraceptive services is stronger among women compared to men. The majority of respondents reported that men do not favor modern contraceptive use, but do not actively object to using them. It was evident from participants’ narratives that family planning decisions remain a “woman’s domain”—that is, it is women who typically decide whether to avoid pregnancy or not. Additionally, family planning service providers reported that men have very limited involvement with pregnancy planning and fertility decisions and that women often do not trust men to be involved in such decisions.
Men are not trusted to be involved with family planning by women. Men are fine with [women’s decisions] …I think this responsibility is given to the women in Turkey. Men do not care about it much . (Interviewee 15, Family planning provider)
A gynecologist who has provided family planning services for 14 years said:
…men have birth control methods such as withdrawal and condoms but generally the women come here to consult about the methods. But a lot of men use birth control too. When the women use IUD or the pill and experience side-effects, I think the men understand and they resort to methods such as withdrawal and condoms . (Interviewee 10, Family planning provider)
Participants reported that men are more likely to desire more children compared to women, but the burden of childrearing falls on women. A local midwife who had provided services for ten years in the community explained:
When [women] bear a child, most husbands do not help with childcare. It is as if the child belongs only to the mother; supposedly, he is the father. When the child is sick, the mother takes care of him/her; and when the mother is sick, the father cannot take care of the child… Men generally say that they are unable to take care of children. So, women want birth control methods to avoid consecutive births . (Interviewee 14, Family planning provider)
A local pharmacist who has been in that position for 36 years also indicated that men desire to have more children than their wives. She said:
…especially the husbands want more children, so the women sometimes get these [family planning methods] without telling their husbands . (Interviewee 3, Community stakeholder)
Participants reported few barriers to contraception, and the narratives suggest relatively few reasons for non-use. However, a frequent theme was the importance of religious beliefs on reproductive health decisions. A few participants reported that women believe that modern contraception, in general, or use of certain methods in particular, are sinful behavior. A gynecologist who had been in that position for 20 years said:
…our religious belief is against it; according to our faith, family planning is forbidden. What can you do with this person? He/she wouldn’t do it even if it were free . (Interviewee 9, Footnote 6 Family planning provider)
Further, a parent-teacher association member and a gynecologist reported that:
Some spouses consider [birth control] to be a sin. We hear it from our friends … Interviewee 8, Community stakeholder) Actually, there is prejudice against most of the birth control methods in our society… Modern contraception is considered a sin. They [referring to the people in the community] do not want birth control. Women do not want IUD. They use the withdrawal method . (Interviewee 13, Family planning provider)
Additionally, beliefs about the moral status of contraception seem to be influenced by women’s social networks. A pharmacist described the effects of shared beliefs around contraceptive decision-making, thus:
One of my clients said that she would not use birth control pills because it was a sin. A couple of months later, she got pregnant and had to have an abortion. I asked her who had recommended it; it turned out to be someone I knew. Then I called that person and said “Why are you misinforming people?” She told me that it was a sin. I told her “Isn’t abortion a sin? She had to have an abortion.” She said that it was not alive until it was three months old. I told her “Look, you don’t have the knowledge about it but you have opinions. You are misinforming people and playing with their lives. A lifeless thing does not grow; it is alive since the first moment that sperm fertilizes the egg. Do not misinform people, please. Send the people to the health centers or doctors but don’t misinform them.” She was offended but I think that the conversation was effective. (Interviewee 3, Community stakeholder)
The narratives suggest that there is contradiction between faith and behavior. In particular, women think that contraception could be against the will of God, but act in accordance with the dictates of modern life.
The findings from this study highlight the major factors that influence family planning decision-making. According to the 2018 Turkey Demographic and Health Survey, 99.5 percent of married women of reproductive age know at least one method of contraception [ 8 ]. Our results are consistent with the existing literature which shows that contraceptive methods (either modern or traditional method) are widely known in the community. Thus, a key finding from the study is that women, and particularly married women, are aware of at least one method of contraception. Therefore, high levels of knowledge of contraceptives provide opportunities for programs to address barriers that could hinder translation of such knowledge into practice.
We found that, according to the perceptions of key informants, traditional methods were preferred over modern methods, and most respondents explained that women prefer traditional methods mostly due to the absence of side effects and ease of use. There is widespread perception that modern methods might have undesired side effects. Additionally, there are religious reasons such as couples’ consideration of natural, easy use the method with more minor side effects for traditional methods being the most preferred methods. According to Cebeci et al., however, even religious beliefs should not be identified as the dominant barrier to contraceptives; they rather affect the choice of particular methods such as withdrawal [ 7 ]. The effect of religious beliefs on contraceptive choice may be the reason why couples continue to rely on traditional methods. There is, however, a need for studies to better understand the motivations for preference for traditional methods in the study setting and how women could be supported to ensure that such methods meet their reproductive needs.
Participants reported that family planning is a “women’s domain” although sometimes other family members, such as mothers-in-law and fathers-in-law, may influence decision-making. A study among married individuals in Umraniye which is another district of Istanbul also found that family planning decision-making was perceived as a “women’s issue” by male partners [ 7 ]. Yet, decision-making is not limited to women and women’s partners; family members are also involved in their contraceptive choices. These patterns underscore a need for a better understanding of intra-family relations and opportunities that such relations provide for supporting women in the study setting to realize their reproductive goals.
Our findings show that although women trust family planning providers on contraceptive issues, they have more confidence in the previous family planning experiences of other people like their friends, neighbors, or relatives. This underscores the significance of women’s social networks as a source of information as well as a determinant of behavior. As Yee and Simon found, women identified their social networks as one of the most influential factors in the family planning decision-making process, especially about side-effects, safety, and effectiveness, and most of them considered that information more reliable than other sources of information [ 15 ]. Husbands, however, do not tend to share information about contraception with one another. Thus, husbands may look to their wives to receive accurate and reliable information about contraception [ 16 ]. Understanding how women’s and men’s social networks influence contraceptive use in this setting may be key to increasing contraceptive use among women who do not want a pregnancy. Intervention studies might also consider leveraging women’s social networks to provide education about contraception (e.g., peer educators or women’s groups).
Related to the accessibility and quality of services that influence decision-making, our findings show that women prefer female to male physicians and consultants in matters related to contraception. In addition, some of the community stakeholders reported prejudice in accessibility to contraceptive methods against unmarried women. Pharmacies provide male condoms, pills, and emergency contraception without a written prescription in Turkey. The pharmacy sector provides more than 45% of the male-condom and pills [ 8 ]. Many unmarried women find it more convenient to obtain contraceptive supplies from pharmacies, despite contraception not being free at pharmacies. This is likely because many single women prefer to avoid social pressure in healthcare facilities and fear being ostracized for engaging in what is regarded as illegitimate sex. The finding that many women in the study setting prefer obtaining contraceptives from pharmacies suggests a need for improving the capacity of pharmacists to provide contraceptive information and counseling to clients.
Various studies in Turkey have found that a variety of perspectives need to be taken into account to fully understand family planning decision-making processes. On the one hand, men report that family planning is a shared responsibility [ 6 ], and that pregnancy planning should be done jointly between partners [ 17 ] which is consistent with existing evidence showing that male involvement and shared decision-making is a key element of reproductive decisions [ 5 , 18 ]. On the other hand, several studies show that men and women are not resistant to contraception, although women are perceived to be the ones making family planning decisions [ 7 , 19 ]. Our findings show that men are not much involved in family planning decision-making and it is often women who decide whether to avoid pregnancy or not. While some respondents suggest that men might be opposed to contraception, the majority reported that men were simply indifferent. Additionally, lack of men’s involvement likely stems from pro-natalist views. The findings suggest a need for a better understanding of couple-level contraceptive decision-making and how best to engage men in supporting women’s reproductive needs.
Studies show that various factors influence fertility decisions, including the number of living children [ 20 , 21 ], level of education of parents and especially of female partners [ 22 ], and socio-cultural norms and religious attitudes [ 17 ]. However, men, in almost every setting, desire more children than women [ 17 , 23 ]. In general, both family planning service providers and community stakeholders in our study reported that men desire more children compared to women. However, the burden of childrearing falls on women, which reflects gender roles in the family. Men’s desire for children could be associated with a need to continue the family line and enhance their social value [ 24 ], making sense in terms of the social value of having a child primarily for men [ 25 ]. This a further indication of the need for understanding the perspectives of men in the study setting and how best to involve them in supporting women’s reproductive needs.
Our findings showed that women placed greater importance on religious beliefs although in practice, such beliefs did not have a direct influence on decisions regarding family planning. Although women believed that contraception could be against the will of God, this did not stop them from using the methods. This is consistent with findings from another qualitative study which showed that religious beliefs were not barriers to contraception, but such beliefs influenced the choice of methods [ 7 ]. Religion does not often dissuade women and men from wanting small families, but instead of using the most effective methods, they instead rely on methods that they perceive to be in alignment with religious beliefs or methods that are not as bad as others. Although most respondents in our study reported that contraception is perceived as a sin, women still used methods. It is possible that religious values may encourage the use of traditional methods, such as withdrawal, that have a long and historical tradition of being used in this setting. Cebeci and colleagues found that, in addition to people’s consideration of withdrawal as a natural, easy to use method with less side effects compared to modern methods, some considered it the method encouraged by Prophet Muhammad, which indicates that modern methods are perceived as harmful [ 7 ]. The findings underscore a need for family programs in the study setting to incorporate empowerment principles in client counseling in order to address misconceptions about modern contraceptives influenced by religious beliefs.
Our findings may be influenced by the manner in which participants were selected. In particular, community stakeholders and service providers were purposively selected based on their familiarity with women’s reproductive health-related topics, including family planning, and the sample included only one male participant. All interviews were conducted in Turkish and translated into English for analysis. Although some meanings could be lost in the process, a small sample of the transcripts were back-translated to determine the extent of such loss. There was no loss in meanings due to translation from one language to another. Additionally, all interviews were conducted in a private space to reduce the risk of social desirability bias. By its very nature, our sample has limited external validity which prevents us from making inferences about patterns in the study setting or the country as a whole. Although our findings, based on a limited purposive sample with key informants, are consistent with the findings of other studies using larger samples with more diverse groups of women, further qualitative research with representative samples of reproductive age women is needed to determine the extent to which our findings are consistent with the prevailing patterns in the country as a whole.
Our study sheds light on the factors that play a role in women’s contraceptive decisions in Turkey, a country with a strong national family planning policy but characterized by political-religious differences in beliefs about use of family planning. Our first take is that women (as well as couples) have a strong preference for traditional methods and particularly withdrawal. Religious factors in particular and socially conservative values in general play an important role in the choice of method. However, it should also be noted that the strong preference for traditional methods is a more general phenomenon that is not limited to the prevalence of religious and conservative values.
Second, in most cases, men play a minimal, if any, in family planning decisions. This is of both practical and academic interest especially in a male-dominant culture. From a policy viewpoint it points out to the need of educating not only women but also men about the availability, advantages, disadvantages and possible risk of available methods.
Third and last, the link between values and family planning decisions at all levels seems to be evident and this relationship deserves further investigation.
Anonymized data can be availed upon reasonable request to the first author.
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The authors thank the family planning service providers and the community stakeholder who participated in the study.
This study was funded by an anonymous donation to Harvard TH Chan School of Public Health. This funding source had no role in the design of this study, data collection, analyses, interpretation of the data, or decision to submit the manuscript for publication.
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Duygu Karadon, Yilmaz Esmer, Bahar Ayca Okcuoglu, Sebahat Kurutas & Simay Sevval Baykal
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DK drafted the first version of the manuscript. DK, BAO, SSB, and SK conducted an open coding of all transcripts and grouped the codes into themes. Data analysis was conducted by DK and BAO. YE, SHK, IS, and DC reviewed the manuscript for substantial intellectual content and contributed to the interpretation of the data. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.
Correspondence to Duygu Karadon .
Ethics approval and consent to participate.
This study was approved by the Declaration of Helsinki and all procedures involving human participants were approved by the Ethics Board of Bahcesehir University and the Institutional Review Board at Harvard University (Protocol #: IRB17-1806). All participants received written information about the study and provided oral consent to participate in the research. Oral consent procedures were approved by the Ethics Board of Bahcesehir University and the Institutional Review Board at Harvard University. Before each interview, the consent script was read aloud to women. Enumerators asked participants to provide oral consent to take part in the study and recorded the answer on the tablet. Oral consent was obtained, rather than written consent, to protect the privacy of respondents.
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Additional file 1:.
Key Informant Interview Guide-Community Stakeholders.
Key Informant Interview Guide-Family Planning Service Providers.
Coding tree.
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Karadon, D., Esmer, Y., Okcuoglu, B.A. et al. Understanding family planning decision-making: perspectives of providers and community stakeholders from Istanbul, Turkey. BMC Women's Health 21 , 357 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12905-021-01490-3
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To assess the knowledge and attitude regarding family planning and the practice of family planning among the women of reproductive age group in South Achefer District, Northwest Ethiopia, 2017.
The study showed that the overall proper knowledge, attitude and practice of women towards family planning (FP) was 42.3%, 58.8%, and 50.4% respectively. Factors associated with the practice of FP were: residence, marital status, educational status, age, occupation, and knowledge, and attitude, number of children and monthly average household income of participants. In this study, the level of knowledge and attitude towards family planning was relatively low and the level of family planning utilization was quite low in comparison with many studies. Every health worker should teach the community on family planning holistically to increase the awareness so that family planning utilization will be enhanced. Besides, more studies are needed in a thorough investigation of the different reasons affecting the non-utilizing of family planning and how these can be addressed are necessary.
Family planning (FP) is defined as a way of thinking and living that is adopted voluntary upon the bases of knowledge, attitude, and responsible decisions by individuals and couples [ 1 ]. Family planning refers to a conscious effort by a couple to limit or space the number of children they have through the use of contraceptive methods [ 2 ].
Family planning deals with reproductive health of the mother, having adequate birth spacing, avoiding undesired pregnancies and abortions, preventing sexually transmitted diseases and improving the quality of life of mother, fetus and family as a whole [ 3 , 4 ].
The Federal Ministry of Health (FMOH) has undertaken many initiatives to reduce maternal mortality. Among these initiatives, the most important is the provision of family planning at all levels of the healthcare system [ 5 , 6 ]. Currently, short-term modern family planning methods are available at all levels of governmental and private health facilities, while long-term method is being provided in health centers, hospitals and private clinics [ 6 ].
The study done in Jimma Zone, Ethiopia showed that good knowledge on contraceptives did not match with the high contraceptive practice [ 7 ]. Different researchers showed that the highest awareness but low utilization of contraceptives making the situation a serious challenge [ 8 , 9 ].
Most of reproductive age women know little or incorrect information about family planning methods. Even when they know some names of contraceptives, they don’t know where to get them or how to use it. These women have negative attitude about family planning, while some have heard false and misleading information [ 10 , 11 ] and the current study aimed in assessing the knowledge, attitude and practice (KAP) of FP among women of reproductive age group in South Achefer District, Northwest Ethiopia.
Study design and setup.
A community-based cross-sectional study was conducted in South Achefer District, Amhara Region, Northwest Ethiopia from March 01–April 01, 2017. Systematic sampling technique was used to recruit the sampled reproductive age women (15–49 years old). Based on the number of households obtained from the Kebele’s (Smallest administrative division) health post, the sample size (389) was distributed to the households. The sampling interval was determined based on the total number of 4431 households in the kebele. The first household was taken by lottery method and if there were more than one eligible individual in the same household one was selected by lottery method.
The data collection questionnaire was developed after reviewing different relevant literatures. The questionnaire, first developed in English language and then translated to Amharic (local language). Pretest was done on 5% of the total sample size at Ashuda kebele. After the pretest, necessary modifications and correction took place to ensure validity.
Those reproductive age women who answered ≥ 77% from knowledge assessing questions were considered as having good knowledge, those women who scored ≥ 90% from attitude assessing questions were considered as having favorable attitude and those women who scored ≥ 64% from practice assessing questions were considered as having good over all practice towards FP [ 7 ].
The collected data was cleaned, entered and analyzed using SPSS version 21 software. Descriptive statistics were employed to describe socio-demographic, knowledge, attitude and practice variables. Chi squared (χ 2 ) test was used to determine association between variables. Associations were considered statistically significant when P-value was, < 0.05.
The response rate in this study was 97.9%. Among 381 participants included, 185 (49%) were from rural villages. About 47% of the participants were illiterate and 52% were completed primary education. The monthly household income of the majority (42.5%) of the participants was between 1000 and 3000 Ethiopian birr. Regarding the family size of the participant’s, majority (48.3%) of them had ≥ 3 children.
The mean age of participants was 29.7 ± 6.4. Two hundred forty six (64.6%) and 133 (34.9%) were house wife’s and farmers respectively by their occupation. Almost two-third (65.4%) of participants were married, 24.9% were divorced by their marital status (Table 1 ).
All of participants ever heard about family planning methods. The major sources of information were from health workers (57.5%) and radio (41.5%). Regarding perceived side effects of using family planning, 13.1%, 24.9%, 9.7% and 52.2% of participants were responded heavy bleeding, irregular bleeding, an absence of menstrual cycle and abdominal cramp respectively were mentioned as a side effect. Among those who have children; 24.6% gave their last birth at home and 75.5% gave their last birth at the health institution. Regarding the overall knowledge of study participants, 161 (42.3%) had good knowledge towards family planning and the rest 220 (57.7%) had poor knowledge.
The majority (88.5%) of the respondents ever discussed on family planning issues with their partners and wants to use it in the future. About 24.5% of the participants reported that they believe family planning exposes to infertility. Almost 23 (22.8%) of study participants reported that using family planning contradicts with their religion and culture. Regarding the overall attitude, 224 (58.8%) of the participants had favorable attitude and 157 (41.2%) had unfavorable attitude towards family planning.
Three fourth (75.3%) of study participants ever used contraceptive methods. The main types were pills (7.4%) and injectable (77.2%). The most common current reasons for not using were a desire to have a child (53.2%) and preferred method not available (46.8%). Almost half (50.4%) of study participants had good practice and the rest 49.6% had poor practice.
Study participants’ religion was not included in the analysis due to lack of variance, since almost all (99.2%) of participants were Orthodox Christians by their religion.
Women who had good knowledge were more likely to practice FP than those who have low knowledge (χ 2 = 117.995, d.f. = 1, P < 0.001) and women who had favorable attitude towards FP were more likely to practice FP (χ 2 = 106.696, d.f. = 1, P < 0.001). It was also seen that residence, age, educational status, occupation, marital status, number of children and monthly income of the were significantly associated with the practice of FP [(χ 2 = 69.723, d.f. = 1, P < 0.001), (χ 2 = 104.252, d.f. = 2, P < 0.002), (χ 2 = 119.264, d.f. = 1, P < 0.001), (χ 2 = 41.519, d.f. = 1, P < 0.001), (χ 2 = 39.050, d.f. = 1, P < 0.001), (χ 2 = 144,400, d.f = 3, P < 0.001) and (χ 2 = 179.366, d.f. = 1, P < 0.002)] respectively (Table 2 ).
Increasing program coverage and access of family planning will not be enough unless all eligible women have adequate awareness for favorable attitude and correctly and consistently practicing as per their need. Increasing awareness/knowledge and favorable attitude for practicing FP activities at all levels of eligible women are strongly recommended [ 6 ].
The results of the present study showed that 42.3% of study participants had good knowledge, 58.8% had favorable attitude, and 50.4% had good practice towards family planning. This finding was lower than a study conducted in Jimma zone, Southwest Ethiopia [ 7 ], Sudan [ 9 ], Tanzania [ 12 ] and another study done in Rohtak district, India [ 13 ]. The difference may be due to; studies done in Jimma zone, Sudan, Tanzania and Rohtak district involve only those coupled/married women. Married women might have good knowledge and attitude for practicing family planning. But in the current study, all women of reproductive age group regardless of their marital status were studied and this may lower their knowledge and attitude.
The current study showed that, 50.4% of reproductive age women were practicing family planning which was almost in line with a study done in Cambodia [ 14 ] and higher than a study done in rural part of Jordan [ 15 ] and India [ 16 ]. But it was lower than studies conducted in Jimma zone, Ethiopia [ 7 ], Rohtak district, India [ 13 ], urban slum community of Mumbai [ 17 ] and in Sikkim [ 18 ] in which 64%, 62%, 65.6% and 62% of participants respectively used family planning. The difference might be due to that study participants in Jimma zone, Rohtak and Mumbi were relatively residing in large city/town and this may help them to have a better access for family planning compared to the study done in South Achefer District.
In the current study, urban residents were more likely to use family planning methods (71.4%) than their rural counterparts (28.1%). This finding was in line with the findings from Ethiopian Demographic Health Survey (EDHS) [ 2 ]. This might be due to the reason that urban residents are more aware of family planning and hence practicing better.
It has also found that women who completed primary & secondary education were practicing family planning than those who were uneducated (77.1% and 20.6%) respectively. This finding was in line with a study done in Jimma, Ethiopia [ 19 ]. This might be due to the fact that women who were able to read and write would think in which FP activities are useful to be economically, self-sufficient and more likely to acquire greater confidence and personal control in marital relationships including the discussion of family size and contraceptive use.
This study showed that, age of the study participants had an association with practicing FP. Those reproductive age women’s whose age > 30 years were practicing family planning better than those whose age < 18 years. This finding was in line with a study done in India [ 20 ]. This might be due to the reason that, when age increases mothers awareness, attitude and practice towards family planning may increase. In addition, as age increases the chance of practicing sexual intercourse increases and as a result they would be interested to utilize family planning in one or another way.
It has also revealed that women’s average monthly household income has an association with their FP practicing habit. Those study participants whose average monthly income < 1000 ETB were using FP better than whose average monthly income > 3000 ETB. This is might be because those relatively who had better income may need more children and those with low income may not want to have more children beyond their income.
The current study also showed that knowledge and attitude of reproductive age women were related to FP utilization. Those reproductive age women who had good knowledge were utilized FP better than from those who were less knowledgeable. Those participants with favorable attitude were practicing better than those who had unfavorable attitude. This is might be due to the fact that knowledge and attitude for specific activities are the key factors to start behaving and maintaining it continuously.
The level of knowledge and attitude towards family planning was relatively low and the level of family planning utilization was quite low in comparison with many studies.
Study participant’s residence, marital status, educational level, occupation, age, knowledge, attitude, their family size and their monthly average income were associated with FP utilization habit of reproductive age women.
Every health worker should teach the community on family planning holistically to increase the awareness so that family planning utilization will be enhanced.
Besides, more studies are needed in a thorough investigation of the different reasons affecting the non-utilizing of family planning and how these can be addressed are necessary.
As the data were collected using interviewer administered questionnaire, mothers might not felt free and the reported KAP might be overestimated or underestimated.
We do not used qualitative method of data collection to gather study participant’s internal feeling about family planning, so that triangulation was possible. In addition, barriers for utilizing contraception not addressed.
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AS: approved the proposal with some revisions, participated in data analysis. MT: wrote the proposal, participated in data collection analyzed the data and drafted the paper. NE: approved the proposal with some revisions, participated in data analysis. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.
We are very grateful to all study participants for their commitment in responding to our questionnaires.
The authors declare that they have no competing interests.
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Ethical clearance was obtained from the Ethical Review Committee of Bahir Dar University, College of Medicine & Health Sciences, and School of Nursing. The objective and purpose of the study were explained to officials at the Woreda and Kebele (smallest governmental administrative division) and a written permission consent was obtained from the study participants. For those study participants whose age is below 18 years consent to participate in the study was obtained from their parent during the data collection time.
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Ayele Semachew Kasa & Mulu Tarekegn
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Semachew Kasa, A., Tarekegn, M. & Embiale, N. Knowledge, attitude and practice towards family planning among reproductive age women in a resource limited settings of Northwest Ethiopia. BMC Res Notes 11 , 577 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1186/s13104-018-3689-7
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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1186/s13104-018-3689-7
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Evaluation of awareness and use of family planning methods is important to improve services and policies. This study aimed to assess awareness and use of family planning methods among women in an urban community in the north of Saudi Arabia.
A cross-sectional study was carried out in a maternity hospital and 12 primary health care (PHC) centers in Hail City between December 1st, 2019, and May 30, 2020.
Four hundred married sexually active women aged 18–49 years were interviewed using a pretested structured questionnaire. The mean age of the participant was 32.0±7.5 years, 73.5% were university educated, and 58% were housewives. More than two-thirds of them (67.6%) had ≥3 living children. Most women (85%) ever used, and 66.5% were currently using any method of contraception; however, only one in five who get counseling for the contraceptive method used, and 40% of the last births were unplanned for. Almost all women reported unavailable family planning clinics in their primary healthcare centers. Most participants (83.0%) desired to have >3 children, which indicates that the main purpose of family planning was child spacing rather than limitation. Relying on natural methods as being safer (36.3%), desire to have more children (19%), being afraid from side effects (15.3%), and possibility of difficulty getting pregnant or might cause infertility (13.0%) were reasons the participants viewed for unsung modern contraceptives.
This study revealed that most women in urban Hail community, northern Saudi Arabia, were aware about and have a positive attitude towards family planning. The majority of the participants ever used, and two-thirds were currently using any contraceptive method/s, which is higher than the national estimate for Saudi Arabia. However, only one in five counseled by healthcare providers for the type of contraceptive method used. Unavailability of family planning services in primary health care centers impedes getting professional counseling. It is imperious to consider family planning clinics to provide quality family planning services.
A woman’s ability to choose whether and when to become pregnant directly affects her health and well-being. Voluntary family planning saves lives and accelerates sustainable human and economic development [ 1 ]. Family planning implies the ability of individuals and couples to anticipate and attain their desired number of children and the spacing and timing of their births [ 2 ]. Use of contraception prevents pregnancy-related health risks for women and children. When births are separated by less than 2 years, the infant mortality rate is 45% higher than it is when births are 2–3 years and 60% higher than it is when births are four or more years apart [ 3 ]. Family planning offers a range of potential non-health benefits that encompass expanded educational opportunities and empowerment for women and sustainable population growth and economic development for countries [ 4 ]. Family planning is achieved through contraception, defined as any means capable of preventing pregnancy, and through the treatment of involuntary infertility. The contraceptive effect can be obtained through temporary or permanent means. Temporary methods include periodic abstinence during the fertile period, coitus interrupts (withdrawal), using the naturally occurring periods of infertility (e.g., during breastfeeding and postpartum amenorrhea), through the use of reproductive hormones (e.g., oral pills and long-acting injections and implants), placement of a device in the uterus (e.g. ,copper-bearing and hormone-releasing intrauterine devices), and interposing a barrier that prevents the ascension of the sperm into the upper female genital tract (e.g., condoms, diaphragms, and spermicides). Permanent methods of contraception include male and female sterilization [ 2 , 4 ].
Availability of family planning methods and family planning service quality are important dimensions of the global health policies [ 5 ]. Regarding availability, the principles state that health care facilities, providers, and contraceptive methods need to be available “to ensure that individuals can exercise full choice from a full range of methods” and that furthermore, contraceptive methods are to be accessible without informational or other barriers. Regarding service quality issues, the principles state that “client-provider interactions respect informed choice, privacy and confidentiality, client preferences, and needs” [ 5 ].
Even though women in Saudi Arabia have a high total fertility rate compared to developed countries, a major change has occurred in the last decades. The total fertility rate decreased from 7.17 in 1980 to 4.10 in 2000 and to 2.27 in 2020 [ 6 ], a decrease by 45% in the last two decades and by more than two thirds in the last four decades. This substantial change in fertility profile occurred as a consequence of sociodemographic development in the Saudi community, especially in women’s education and work [ 7 , 8 ] as important factors in changing the beliefs of fertility and behaviors towards birth spacing, and the use of the contraceptives.
Monitoring and evaluation of awareness and utilization of family planning methods in communities are important to improve the quality and effectiveness of services, policies, and planning with resulting beneficial impacts on health and quality of life of women, children, families, and communities. An important aspect of research in this respect is to explore views and practices of women in the reproductive age with regard to family planning and fertility preferences, so we aimed in this study to assess awareness, attitude, and use of family planning methods among women in urban community at the north of Saudi Arabia.
This cross-sectional study was conducted in Hail City, the main urban area in Hail region, at the north of Saudi Arabia, between December 1st, 2019, and May 30, 2020. A maternity hospital and 12 primary health care (PHC) centers were the setting of this study. PHC centers were selected at random among a total of 24 PHC centers serving all neighborhood of Hail City. The eligible subjects were married women, residing in Hail City for at least 1 year, aged 18–49 years, who were sexually active, not in the menopause with no contraindication from getting pregnant. Participants were selected at random from women in the waiting areas, who visited the selected health care facility for any reason and invited to undergo an interview. Sample size was calculated using Cochran’s Sample Size Formula [ 9 ] to comprise 384 participants, assuming 50% of women are using contraceptive methods (to maximize sample size) and 5% margin error within 95% confidence level. However, a successful 400 eligible participants were interviewed. A prior consent was obtained from the participants before the interview. Efforts were maximally taken during recruiting and interviewing eligible participants in the study to avoid any potential selection or information bias.
A pretested, predesigned questionnaire was used by the investigator to interview the selected study participants. The questionnaire included sociodemographic information regarding age, education, family size, and family income, and questions covered awareness with regard to the concept and methods of family planning and attitude towards and practice of family planning. Data obtained was coded, entered into, and analyzed using Epi Info 7.1.3 program (CDC, Atlanta, GA, USA). Descriptive statistical measures as percentages and proportions were used to express qualitative data. Quantitative data were expressed as mean and standard deviation. Data was presented as tables and graphs as relevant.
A total of 400 women completed the interview among 418 women asked to participate in the study (96.7% response rate). Time factor and wouldn’t like to share personal information were most of the reasons mentioned for non-participation.
The mean age of the participants was 32.0 ± 7.5 years. The age-wise distribution of the participants is shown in Table 1 . Most participants received university education (294, 73.5%). More than half (211, 52.8%) of the participants reported family income <10,000 SR, while those who reported high income ≥15,000 SR were 96 (24.0%). The mean living children per woman was 2.9±2.5 children, with about one-third (130, 32.5%) had more than 3 children (Table 1 ).
Table 2 summarizes awareness about and attitude towards family planning among the study participants. About two-thirds 259 (64.8%) perceived family planning concept as a means for pregnancy spacing, while 88 (22.0%) perceived it as a means of pregnancy limitation, the others 53 (13.3%) were not familiar with the meaning of family planning. Almost all participants (399; 99.8%) were familiar with hormonal contraceptive pills, IUDs (387, 96.8%), and withdrawal (396, 99.0%), and most (364, 91.0%) were familiar with condom and breastfeeding (330, 82.5%) as a means of contraception methods. Still, a good percent was familiar with abstinence (307, 76.8%) and injectable hormonal (252, 63.0%) and hormonal patch (245, 61.3%) contraceptives. Less commonly familiar methods were female sterilization (145, 36.3%), female barrier (92, 23.0%), and male sterilization (68, 17.0%). Figure 1 demonstrates sources of knowledge about family planning among participants. Most sources were non-reliable sources, such as family/friends (67.5%), general internet sites (43.8%), and social media (34/0%); meanwhile, only half (50.3%) of the participants reported consulting healthcare workers.
Sources of knowledge about family planning methods (%)
The vast majority (384, 96.0%) were favoring family planning (agree/strongly agree), with almost the same percent mentioned that family planning have multiple benefits. More than two-thirds (282, 70.5%) of the participating women reported husbands’ support with regard to family planning. A small percent (17.0%) desired a small number (1–3) of children; 55.0% desired more than 3 children, while 28.0% would not like to limit their children number and leave it open. More than two-thirds (67.5%) preferred pregnancy spacing for more than 2 years.
Table 3 summarizes family planning practices as reported by participant women. The majority ( n =341; 85.3%, CI= 81.4–88.6) ever used and 266 (66.5%, CI= 61.6–71.1) were currently using contraceptive method/s. Methods currently mostly used were pills ( n =144, 54.1%), withdrawal ( n =58, 21.8%), IUDs ( n =29, 10.9%), hormonal patches ( n =14, 5.3%), and condom ( n =12, 4.5%) (Fig. 2 ).
Contraceptive method currently used among participants (%)
Less than half ( n =144; 44.0%) of the respondents reported that their husbands practice contraception. The frequently used method was withdrawal ( n =147, 36.8%) and to a lesser extent condom ( n =55, 13.8%) and abstinence during ovulation period ( n =32, 8.0%).
More than 60% (121, 60.5%) bought the contraceptive directly from private pharmacies over the counter as a personal choice, others (52, 26.0%) brought the contraceptive method after medical advice in private dispensary/hospital, and few (27, 13.5%) were prescribed after medical advice in a governmental health care facility.
Table 4 summarizes respondent’s views about the important reasons behind the non-use of modern contraceptive methods among some women. Favoring natural contraceptive methods (36.3%), the desire of more children (19.0%), being afraid of health side effects and complications (15.3%). Other mentioned causes were being afraid of difficulty of getting pregnant (6.5%), the misconception that modern contraceptives may cause infertility (6.5%), and the other miscellaneous causes/non-response (16.4%).
A fundamental change has occurred in Saudi society over the last decades. Socioeconomic development, urbanization, and women’s education and work [ 7 , 8 , 10 ] led to changes in fertility beliefs and behaviors. Results of the present study shed light on an urban community in the north of Saudi Arabia, exploring views, attitudes, and practices of women in the childbearing period regarding family planning, fertility preferences, and health-seeking behavior.
In this study, most of the participating women (85.3%) ever used, and 66.5% were currently using any family planning method/s, which is by far higher than the national estimate for Saudi Arabia (18.6%) stated in the United Nations (UN) “World Fertility and Family Planning 2020” report and also higher than the international prevalence average, where, in 2019, 49% of all women in the reproductive age range 15–49 years were using some form of contraception [ 11 ]. Similarly, the prevalence was also higher than the reported figures in surrounding Gulf Arab countries such as the United Arab Emirates (33.4%), Kuwait (35.5%), Bahrain (32.2%), Oman (19.6%), Qatar (29.1%), and other Arab countries such as Egypt (43.2%), Jordan (31.1%), Iraq (35.1%), Syria (31.6%), Tunisia (34.3%), and Morocco (36.7%) [ 11 ]. However, the estimate is fairly similar to rates in Western countries such as the UK (71.7%), France (63.4%), Italy (55.6%), Spain (56.5%), and the USA (61.4%) [ 11 ].
This reported higher rate of family planning methods used in our study population actually concealing a high proportion of couples using traditional unreliable methods, where one in 4 was using these methods compared to <10% internationally [ 11 ].
Almost all (96.0%) of the participants in our study praised the concept of family planning and agreed about the benefits of family planning for maternal and child health and well-being. Furthermore, the majority of the participants (85.3%) were ever used or currently using (66.5%) family planning methods. This finding indicates the high acceptability of the family planning concept and points to the real desire of families to plan for the timing of pregnancy occurrence and space between children. Translation of this high acceptance and the higher prevalence of using contraceptives was not reflected in lower fertility profile or smaller family size in our sample. About one-third (32.5%) were already having more than 3 living children, and 83.0% reported that they still want more children, and half of them (49.2%) reported that they prefer to have more than 3 children. This indicates that the main purpose of using contraceptive methods among the majority of the participants is birth spacing rather than birth limitation. This finding is consistent with previous study conducted in southwestern Saudi Arabia, where 60.0% of contraceptive users were spacer [ 12 ]. This could be explained on the background of cultural factors, religious traditions and customs of an Islamic society as well as personal views.
An important finding in our study is that, the use of contraceptive methods among participants largely depends upon their personal views (55.0%) or family/friends’ experience (23.2%), while only 21.8% of the participants received medical advice before using their current contraceptive method. This might explain the higher number of couples who relied on unreliable contraceptive methods and the considerable percentage (40%) of the participants who reported that their last pregnancy was unplanned for, which might be attributed to failure of the contraceptive method used. This is not surprising when we find that all participants reported unavailability of a family planning clinic in their PHC centers, with only one in three (33.8%) who reported that their PHC centers may provide family planning counseling and just 2.8% who reported accessibility for prescribing family planning methods. This situation indicates that, in spite of the high social necessity for family planning revealed by the high demand on family planning methods, there is no parallel availability of organized health services coping for this unmet need of women in the region. As a consequence, health-seeking behavior is self-guided based on personal information and beliefs and/or unreliable sources such as experience of relatives and friends. This crucial need for family planning services was also reported in other studies in Saudi Arabia [ 12 ]. The availability of family planning services allows couples to meet their desired birth spacing and family size and contributes to improved health outcomes for children, women, and families [ 13 , 14 , 15 ].
Two important consequences might result from choosing a family planning method without medical advice; first, the likelihood of occurrence of avoidable side effects and complications which might affect the users’ beliefs and behavior; second, due to resorting to traditional methods of family planning, high rates of contraceptive failure occurs. Dissemination of information about options for contraception should become a part of the routine counseling in primary health care centers and other health care institutions as any decision about contraceptive use should be based not only on contraceptive risks/benefits, but also on the efficacy of the method, individual’s life situation, and the level of risk particular to the user characteristics and the life consequences of childbearing for the mother and child [ 16 , 17 ].
Our study has a number of inherent limitations. Firstly, it is a cross-sectional study, so relationships between the predictor variables and the dependent variables can only be described as general associations not a causal relationship. Second, as an interview survey, social desirability bias cannot be eliminated, and recall bias for some events might happen. Third, our study participants were completely from the urban population, so the result cannot be extended to the rural population in the region. However, the current study provides insights to policymakers and health care providers about awareness, attitude, and barriers affecting family planning practice among women in the region to offer need-based health services and to guide health awareness efforts.
This study revealed that most women in the urban Hail community, northern Saudi Arabia, were aware about and have a positive attitude towards family planning. The majority of women ever used, and two-thirds of them were currently using any family planning method/s, which is higher than the national estimate for Saudi Arabia. However, only one in five who received counseling for the type of contraceptive method used from healthcare providers. The unavailability of family planning services in primary health care centers impedes getting professional counseling. It is imperious to consider family planning clinics to provide quality family planning services.
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We thank directors and healthcare staff in maternity hospital and participated PHC centers, Hail City, Saudi Arabia, for facilitating the study. We also thank the participant mothers for their agreement, patience, and allowing the time to carry out the interview.
No funding was received.
Authors and affiliations.
Family & Community Medicine Joint Program, Hail, Saudi Arabia
Ghzl Ghazi Alenezi
Academic Affairs & Postgraduate Studies, General Directorate of Health Affairs, Najran, Saudi Arabia
Hassan Kasim Haridi
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GA conceived the study idea, participated in development of the data collection tool, carried out all interviews, and participated in interpretation of the study results. HH adapted the study idea, designed the data collection tool, carried out data analysis and interpretation of results, and wrote the manuscript. All authors have read and approved the manuscript
GA: family medicine senior resident, Family & Community Medicine Joint Program, Hail, Saudi Arabia. HH: Consultant Public Health Medicine; the Designated Institutional Official (DIO) of Academic Affairs & Postgraduate Studies, Health Affairs, Najran; ex Head of the Research Department, Health Affairs, Hail Region, Saudi Arabia.
Correspondence to Hassan Kasim Haridi .
Ethics approval and consent to participate.
The protocol of the study was reviewed and approved by the Regional Bioethics Committee of the General Directorate of Health Affairs, Hail region, with the approval number 2019/22 dated October 6, 2019. Agreed participants signed the study consent form. Participants were guaranteed anonymity, confidentiality of the responses, and voluntary participation, and they can withdraw for any reason and any time, without any implications.
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Alenezi, G.G., Haridi, H.K. Awareness and use of family planning methods among women in Northern Saudi Arabia. Middle East Fertil Soc J 26 , 8 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1186/s43043-021-00053-8
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The U.S. birth rate hit a record low in 2023, but data suggests that over the past 30 years, the number of adults who want to have children has remained relatively stable. So why aren’t more Americans having children or expanding their families? Ali Rogin explores the complexities of today’s family planning and speaks with family demographer Karen Guzzo to learn more.
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Last year, the U.S. birth rate hit a record low. But data suggests that over the past 30 years, the number of adults who want or wish they had children has remained relatively stable. So why aren't they having children or expanding their families? Ali Rogin explores some of the complexities of today's family planning.
Over the past few weeks, we've been speaking with Americans who say they want to have a child or grow their families about why they're hesitant to do so. Their answers were varied and complex, just like the solutions they said would help them change their minds.
Catherine Clark, Washington, DC:
I always wanted kids. I love kids. But economically, I don't really know of anyone who can swing it anymore. Even parents that are working full time, they can't afford childcare. They don't have a village to help them raise them.
Cecilia La Torre Ramirez, Alexandria, Virginia:
I'm grateful that we are in like, a stable financial situation. Still, it's difficult to raise a child. We don't have any family close by. We have friends who also have kids. So they are also busy taking care of their families. It's difficult. We don't have anyone.
Trevor Williams, Tulsa, Oklahoma:
Every year, there comes out a new statistic of whether or not we've hit the turning point for climate change. And that's something that I take into consideration when it comes to starting a family, because I don't want to raise a child in a world that every year gets closer and closer to becoming uninhabitable.
Cazoshay Marie, Phoenix, Arizona:
In May of 2017, I was struck by a car that was traveling 48 miles per hour while crossing the street. And as a result of that, I ended up with several long term disabilities and conditions. And really through this experience, my son actually became a caregiver to me. Our roles were kind of reversed, and so that's not something that I would willingly want to be in another position to do again. Would I be able to handle the parent teacher conferences, the transportation, making meals, changing diapers? As a disabled person, those are all considerations.
Erica Staley, Chicago, Illinois:
Pretty much as soon after having my first child, I agreed that weren't going to try and have a second with all the other uncertainties. And that was heartbreaking. We really did want to, and were kind of hoping that could be possible, but it just wasn't. We had met with a financial advisor, and he was pretty clear. You're either going to be able to afford childcare or retirement savings like, you can't. You're not really going to do both in the next five years just because of the cost.
Catherine Clark:
Everyone is incredibly stressed out. Everyone's incredibly broke. We're all trying to help each other. We're all grasping at straws. And I don't know if I want that for my future.
Trevor Williams:
My sister, I know she spends about a quarter of her salary every month on childcare expenses, even with daycare expenses and such like that. I know there's additional things such as putting extra food on the table and covering medical expenses.
Cazoshay Marie:
There are a lot of things that I think that the government, the society and community can do to kind of help with some of those concerns that are not just for me as a disabled parent, but I think for anyone who would be considering or hesitant to expand their family, that would be just offering more support, more community based support, as well as just the resources for the practical knowledge, parenting classes, things of that nature.
Erica Staley:
If universal child care was an option, and we didn't have to worry about that, if universal healthcare was an option, and I wouldn't have to wonder if I can anticipate regular maternal care, high quality maternal care, while I was pregnant, then, yeah, we absolutely would have made an effort to expand our family. For sure.
We need rent subsidies because no one can afford it. We need to be able to get the cost of food and housing under control because right now they are spiraling out.
Cecilia La Torre Ramirez:
I think we need to have paid leave for all because many families are the sandwich generation. You have to take care of your parents who are elderly, and you have to take care of your kids. People work really hard. It's not that we don't work hard, but it's not enough.
For more on this topic, I'm joined by Karen Guzzo, a family demographer and the director of the Carolina Population Center at the University of North Carolina.
Karen, thank you so much for being here. First of all, tell us about this moment that we're in. Is it different than other times in this country's history that we've seen declines in fertility?
Karen Guzzo, The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill: That's a great question. And so what I would say is we've seen fertility fall below what we call replacement level before, and the United States has come back up above this, above that sort of mythical two children per woman level.
What's interesting now, though, is that it's been sustained declines pretty much year after year since the Great Recession. And so we're starting to think, as demographers, maybe the decision making that goes into whether people have children or going to have another one has changed.
What are the factors weighing on people's minds these days?
Karen Guzzo:
Well, people are certainly not being selfish about deciding to have kids. They're actually being really deliberate having children. And so they're worried about their ability to combine work and family, their ability to provide for their future children, their ability to afford to give sort of a lifestyle that will suggest that their kids have opportunities for success in the future. So they want to be able to afford to buy a house. They want to send their kids to safe and reliable childcare centers and then ultimately safe schools. They want a world in which they think climate change will not delay their children's chances of success.
And so they're giving these factors a lot of thought, and they're hard to measure. In sort of the typical surveys that we used to use and some of the earlier theories, we had to kind of understand fertility.
There's been a particularly steep decline in terms of births from people who are much younger to what do you attribute that?
The research really shows that for teens and those in their early 20s, traditionally, those births have largely been sort of unplanned and unintended. And so, these are births that people are able to avoid having, avoiding getting pregnant in their late teens or early 20s, when perhaps they have less stable relationships, when they have fewer economic resources. So this is good news.
The problem is that if people are avoiding having births at ages and in circumstances where we might think they are not ready to be parents, is to try to understand when they think they will be ready to have kids and make sure that we as a society have those conditions in place for them.
We need to make sure that they reach their later 20s and their 30s and feel like, okay, now I have what it takes to be a good parent, and I have the resources and life circumstances where I can, you know, go ahead and make those decisions.
Sometimes we hear of people in these categories being labeled as selfish, or they're being insinuations that they're being selfish. What do you make of those conceptions?
That's really not the case. My research and the research of many others is showing that people have the set of prerequisites in mind that they want to be able to meet, to make sure that they are able to be good parents, that they are able to provide what their kids need, that they can meet the needs of their relationships and their family and friends.
And so they're really being quite considerate about this. Being a parent is really hard in the United States, and we have declining social mobility. And so people are being very careful about this. If they think they can't give their kids good opportunities, they're willing to say, hold on, I should wait. I'll wait till I have kids and tell them in a better circumstance.
Lastly, what are some of the other solutions that other countries are trying to put in place to avoid continuously declining birth rates? And is any of it working?
Well, there are countries that are offering cash allowances or tax breaks. Those don't seem to be particularly effective. The more effective policies are those that are kind of a package of deals. So having a robust childcare infrastructure, one that people can find easily, they can afford it is high quality that's important. Having parental leave for both mothers and fathers is important.
Most policies that are effective are the ones that grow the economy for everybody, but also have a strong social safety net that really makes sure that young people and young families have access to the resources they need, like childcare, like paid leave, but also aren't overburdened by housing costs or student loan costs.
Doctor Karen Guzzo at the University of North Carolina, thank you so much for joining us.
Thank you for having me.
Watch the Full Episode
Ali Rogin is a correspondent for the PBS News Hour and PBS News Weekend, reporting on a number of topics including foreign affairs, health care and arts and culture. She received a Peabody Award in 2021 for her work on News Hour’s series on the COVID-19 pandemic’s effect worldwide. Rogin is also the recipient of two Edward R. Murrow Awards from the Radio Television Digital News Association and has been a part of several teams nominated for an Emmy, including for her work covering the fall of ISIS in 2020, the Las Vegas mass shooting in 2017, the inauguration of President Barack Obama in 2014, and the 2010 midterm elections.
Satvi Sunkara is an associate producer for PBS News Weekend.
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Navin bhatt.
1 B.P. Koirala Institute of Health Sciences, Dharan, Nepal
2 Department of Health Services, Ministry of Health and Population, Kathmandu, Nepal
3 Nepal Health Sector Support Programme (NHSSP)/DFID/Ministry of Health and Population, Kathmandu, Nepal
4 Central Department of Public Health, Institute of Medicine, Kathmandu, Nepal
5 Department of Electronics and Computer Engineering, Institute of Engineering, Tribhuvan University, Lalitpur, Nepal
6 Department of Community Health Sciences, School of Public Health, Patan Academy of Health Sciences, Lalitpur, Nepal
7 School of Public Health and Community Medicine, B.P. Koirala Institute of Health Sciences, Dharan, Nepal
8 Department of Primary Care and Public Health, School of Public Health, Imperial College London, London, United Kingdom
All relevant data are within the manuscript and its Supporting Information files.
Family planning methods are used to promote safer sexual practices, reduce unintended pregnancies and unsafe abortion, and control population. Young people aged 15–24 years belong to a key reproductive age group. However, little is known about their engagement with the family planning services in Nepal. Our study aimed to identify the perceptions of and barriers to the use of family planning among youth in Nepal.
A qualitative explorative study was done among adolescents and young people aged 15–24 years from the Hattimuda village in eastern Nepal. Six focus group discussions and 25 in-depth interviews were conducted with both male and female participants in the community using a maximum variation sampling method. Data were analyzed using a thematic framework approach.
Many individuals were aware that family planning measures postpone pregnancy. However, some young participants were not fully aware of the available family planning services. Some married couples who preferred ’birth spacing’ received negative judgments from their family members for not starting a family. The perceived barriers to the use of family planning included lack of knowledge about family planning use, fear of side effects of modern family planning methods, lack of access/affordability due to familial and religious beliefs/myths/misconceptions. On an individual level, some couples’ timid nature also negatively influenced the uptake of family planning measures.
Women predominantly take the responsibility for using family planning measures in male-dominated decision-making societies. Moreover, young men feel that the current family planning programs have very little space for men to engage even if they were willing to participate. Communication in the community and in between the couples seem to be influenced by the presence of strong societal and cultural norms and practices. These practices seem to affect family planning related teaching at schools as well. This research shows that both young men and women are keen on getting involved with initiatives and campaigns for supporting local governments in strengthening the family planning programs in Nepal.
An unmet need for family planning results in unintended pregnancies and illegal abortions. This has major health and social implications and is often the leading cause of maternal and child mortality in low-income countries [ 1 , 2 ]. An estimated 214 million women of reproductive age lack access to contraception resulting in an estimated 67 million unintended pregnancies, 36 million induced abortions, and 76,000 maternal deaths each year [ 3 ]. Family planning (FP) is a key intervention to limit these adverse health outcomes [ 4 – 6 ]. Such interventions can prevent 90% of abortions, 32% of maternal deaths, 20% of pregnancy-related morbidity globally, and reduce 44% of maternal mortality in low-income countries [ 1 , 7 ]. FP reduces adolescent pregnancies, prevents pregnancy-related health risks, and helps to prevent HIV/AIDS [ 8 ]. Access to contraception promotes education, raises the economic status of women, and gradually empowers them resulting in improved health outcomes and better quality of life [ 3 , 5 , 9 , 10 ].
Global data show that only 32% of married women from low-income countries currently use modern contraceptives [ 9 ]. According to the Nepal Demographic Health Survey 2016, the total fertility rate was 2.3 births per woman, which is declining and approaching replacement fertility. This is an important achievement. However, the modern contraceptive prevalence rate (mCPR), which is 43%, is still below the target in Nepal [ 11 ]. Nepal has consistently failed to reach the target of mCPR for the past 20 years. The future projection of mCPR for 2030 is 60% [ 5 ], which may be a distant dream if the barriers and enablers are not identified on time to strengthen the current efforts.
Expanding the coverage and access to effective contraceptive methods are essential to meet the Sustainable Development Goals and to achieve universal access to reproductive healthcare services by 2030 [ 11 , 12 ]. For this, the government of Nepal has started a FP program with a focus on increasing the use of FP services and reducing the unmet need [ 5 , 11 ]. However, various factors negatively influence the delivery of FP services including lack of information, limited awareness of dissemination activities, lack of trained staff, and various cultural and religious factors [ 13 ].
Family planning is a choice for many youth, but they often experience barriers such as negative provider attitudes, long distances to healthcare facilities, and inadequate stock of preferred contraceptives [ 13 , 14 ]. Nepali youth are reluctant to use modern contraceptives due to misconceptions about long-term fertility risks, fear of side effects and overall lack of deeper knowledge [ 15 , 16 ]. Besides, FP decisions are mostly dependent on male household members, including husbands and other elder members [ 17 , 18 ]. Married women whose husbands are away as migrant workers face unique contraceptive challenges. When their husbands return home for a few weeks in a year, these women are not prepared with their contraceptives, which can result in unwanted pregnancies [ 18 ].
The extrapolation of the available literature on FP use among adults from Nepal and elsewhere suggests that youth is an under-researched population when it comes to FP There is also a dearth of evidence on perception and key barriers to the use of FP measures in this population. Hence, this study aims to identify the perceptions of the FP services and barriers to the use of FP among the youth in Nepal to assist policymakers in designing appropriate interventions to strengthen the family planning programs in Nepal.
Ethical considerations.
The study received ethical approval from the Institutional Review Committee of B.P. Koirala Institute of Health Sciences, Dharan, Nepal as per the Undergraduate Research Proposal review process (URPRB/01/015). We obtained informed written consent from all participants aged 18 and above. For minors, we obtained assent from the parents of the participants with the participants’ permission. For those who could not read, the information sheet was read aloud by a volunteer, verbal consent was given, and a thumbprint, in the presence of a witness, was used in place of a signature. To maintain the confidentiality of the information and the privacy of the participants, only selected participants and the moderators attended the sessions. Personal identifiers and locator information were not collected, and any identifying information accidentally mentioned was removed from the text before the analysis.
The study was conducted among the participants from Hattimuda village of Morang district in Province One of Nepal. Hattimuda village is a community service area of B.P. Koirala Institute of Health Sciences (BPKIHS), Dharan, Nepal. BPKIHS is a public-funded health sciences university, which follows a teaching district concept adopted as a part of its community-based medical education curriculum. BPKIHS also runs a tertiary hospital service for the population of eastern Nepal [ 19 ]. There is a public health facility in Hattimuda village that provides primary health care services including FP services such as the distribution of contraceptives. The nearest secondary and tertiary levels of healthcare services are available 18 kilometers away in Biratnagar, which is the provincial capital and the headquarters of Morang district. According to the 2017/18 annual report of the Department of Health Services, the contraceptive prevalence rate of Morang district is 54.6% [ 5 ] whereas the unmet need for FP in Province One as per the Nepal Demographic Health Survey 2016 is 25% [ 11 ].
This was a qualitative study with an exploratory design to gather a deeper understanding of the perception of FP and its barriers. Focus group discussions (FGD) and in-depth interview (IDI) methods were used. The overall study lasted from November 2017 to October 2018.
Adolescents and young people between 15 and 24 years of age from Hattimuda were included in the study. We used the maximum variation sampling method to enroll participants. Pretesting, including one FGD and four IDIs, was conducted among residents in another village of the same district. The pretesting guided the selection of participants for FGDs and IDIs. Accordingly, FGDs were conducted among adolescents and young people, separately for male and female participants to allow for free expression of views during the discussion of potentially sensitive issues. Moreover, the respondents recommended that people at the forefront of the community such as the village leaders, schoolteachers, community health volunteers, religious leaders, youth leaders, and students be selected for the interviews to gather more information. Along with the recommendations from the pretesting, brainstorming was done with community volunteers to generate a list of people who understood the issues of adolescents and young people. More volunteers were added to the list upon the recommendation of the initial respondents. Thus, participants representing diverse backgrounds in terms of gender, profession, education, and social status, were selected. The IDIs were done among 25 prominent people in the community, which included leaders, school teachers, female community health volunteers, healthcare professionals working at the health post and FP service centers, and youth leaders from youth clubs. Health care providers were included in the interviews as their views would be invaluable due to their experience as FP service providers and as witnessing the health issues faced by youth. The teachers are regarded highly for their knowledge and opinions in Nepali communities. So, they were selected for the IDI to provide more insight into the educational barriers to FP and to help in youth mobilization for FP activities. Considering the vital role of local leaders in influencing the implementation and regulation of population-level activities in the village, they were selected for IDI. Six focus groups were conducted with a total of 48 respondents ( Fig 1 ).
The Focus Group Discussions (FGD) and In-depth interviews (IDI) were conducted by the researchers within the team with prior experience in qualitative research methods. The interview team included an undergraduate medical student, two postgraduate resident doctors, a public health graduate, and a public health academic researcher. Before data collection, an orientation session was conducted for the interviewers using the interview schedule and the topic guide. The IDI guidelines and interview schedules were developed from the literature review and were modified after pretesting. Validation of the tools was ensured by using the Item Objective Congruence (IOC) index and consultation with academics with experience in FP research. Using a semi-structured open-ended questionnaire, the participants were assessed on their knowledge and perceptions regarding sexual and reproductive health (SRH) and FP, SRH problems faced by youth, challenges and barriers to use of FP services, the role of youth in combating the perceived challenges, and suggestions for enhancing the use of services. Data were considered to have reached saturation when the responses from participants became repetitive and/or no new responses were received.
A representative group of youth from diverse backgrounds who could provide credible information about practices and factors affecting the use of FP in the community was selected. Separate FGDs were held for girls and boys to allow for free expression. A moderator was responsible for guiding the discussion and a note-taker for taking the notes, including recording non-verbal responses and ensuring the audio recording. A total of 6 FGDs, each containing 8 homogenous participants, were conducted. Each individual participated once in the FGD. Every member of the group could make their contribution to any question posed before proceeding to another question. Each FGD lasted for 60–90 minutes on average. The discussion was done in the Nepali language as preferred by participants and later translated into English during transcription.
In-depth interviews with the key stakeholders were conducted using the Interview Schedule after obtaining the informed consent and audio-recorded with participant permission. A total of 25 IDIs were conducted for the average duration of 30–45 minutes, at a location convenient to the participant, which included their homes and offices.
A framework method of thematic analysis was used. The analysis included stages of transcription, familiarization with the interview, coding, developing a working analytical framework, applying the analytical framework, charting the data into the framework matrix, and interpretation of the data. The data collected from the focus groups and interviews were transcribed verbatim. The notes taken were used as a guide to segregate the responses by different respondents during the discussion. An independent researcher conversant in the Nepali and English languages cross-checked the transcripts for accuracy and preservation of original meaning during translation. Preliminary codes were assigned to the available data and then organized into thematic units that were continually revisited and revised as necessary. To ensure consistency of data and findings, two authors were involved in data analysis and reporting. The recordings were stored and accessed by the research team only and were destroyed after the analysis and final report preparation.
According to UNFPA, all persons within the age of 15–24 years are considered youth [ 20 ].
The baseline characteristics of the participants can be seen in Table 1 .
Variable | FGD | IDI | |||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Number | Percentage (%) | Number | Percentage (%) | ||
Age range | 15–19 years | 23 | 48 | 3 | 12 |
20–24 years | 25 | 52 | 4 | 16 | |
Above 24 | - | - | 18 | 72 | |
Sex | Female | 24 | 50 | 12 | 48 |
Male | 24 | 50 | 13 | 52 | |
Marital Status | Single | 23 | 47.92 | 10 | 40 |
Married | 25 | 52.08 | 15 | 60 | |
Religion | Hindu | 32 | 66.67 | 15 | 60 |
Muslim | 10 | 20.83 | 5 | 20 | |
Others | 6 | 12.5 | 5 | 20 | |
Ethnicity | Brahmin | 14 | 29.17 | 8 | 32 |
Chhetri | 12 | 25 | 6 | 24 | |
Indigenous | 12 | 25 | 8 | 32 | |
Others | 10 | 20.83 | 3 | 12 | |
Highest level of education | Illiterate | 12 | 25 | 2 | 8 |
Primary School | 15 | 31.25 | 5 | 20 | |
Secondary School | 12 | 25 | 10 | 40 | |
Bachelor and above | 9 | 18.75 | 8 | 32 | |
Profession | Student | 12 | 25 | 2 | 8 |
Unemployed | 20 | 41.67 | 6 | 24 | |
Employed | 16 | 33.33 | 17 | 68 | |
Economic status | Below poverty line | 18 | 37.5 | 3 | 12 |
Above poverty line | 30 | 62.5 | 22 | 88 |
The responses from the IDIs and FGDs revealed four broad themes. Within each broad theme were several substantive sub-themes that emerged from the data. The themes and subthemes are summarized in Table 2 below.
Themes | Subthemes |
---|---|
a) Sources of information regarding FP • Health workers • Peers • Books • Media (radio, television) b) Perceptions of FP • Inadequate knowledge • Men perceive FP as women’s business • FP for men means the use of condoms | |
a) Preference among participants • Preference for a traditional method • Methods available in nearby centers b) Decision-making among married participants • Men reluctant to use FP methods • Men are sole decision-makers • Women also expect men not to use FP methods • Some women feel they are physically weak c) Decision-making among unmarried participants • Discuss and joint decision • Requesting husbands use FP methods is disrespectful • Permanent sterilization is simpler for men to adopt | |
a) Supply-side barriers and challenges • Inaccessible • Unaffordable • Distant health facilities • Unavailability (stock out) • Lack of youth-friendly FP services • No priority programs from the government • Restrictions on women for participating in FP programs • Outdated school curriculum covering FP • Lack of confidence in teachers to teach FP lessons b) Demand-side barriers and challenges • Lack of awareness • Fear of side effects • Lack of alternative methods other than condoms for men • Lack of easy methods for women • Religious belief, stigma, social pressure • Perceived roles of men and women • Shyness | |
a) Youth’s engagement in strengthening FP services • Engaging interested youth in FP programs • Peer to peer education approach • Training programs • Role-plays/dramas • Counseling sessions • Curriculum update • Mobile outreach clinics • Spousal communication • Gender inequalities • Change in attitude of people b) Suggestions to improve FP services • Establishment of youth centers/clubs • Engaging with male counterparts • Involve key stakeholders from the community • Support from government programs • New methods for men and women with no side effects and high compliance |
A) knowledge and sources of information on fp.
Participants demonstrated awareness of some form of FP. However, some knew nothing about it. Health workers were commonly referred to as the sources of information, while some also mentioned peers, radio, television, and books. Male participants openly disclosed their sources of information on FP while some female participants were reluctant to share their sources.
Perceptions of FP varied among participants. Some male participants inferred FP measures as women’s business and did not show any interest in talking more about it. Some referred to FP as using condoms during intercourse, while others referred to oral pills and injectable hormones as FP. Some female participants looked at FP as a way of avoiding unwanted pregnancies.
“My sister used to say that she has been using injection (Depo-Provera) to control unwanted pregnancy . I think FP is about the same . ”- 19 years Female , FGD participant
Some female participants reported preference for traditional methods of contraception such as coitus interruptus and calendar method over modern methods. These people used modern methods of FP to start with, which they discontinued later due to the side effects. Participants also stated that the health facilities that provide FP services were far, and hence they had no alternative other than natural methods. Male participants hardly mentioned visiting any health facilities for FP purposes.
“Most of our clients who come for it (FP) are women. Even condoms are collected by women. Men rarely come alone or as couples for FP services.” - 35 years old Female, FP service provider, IDI participant
Yet husbands were responsible for the decision-making about FP and choices of methods for most couples. Some participants (both male and females) mentioned that women rather than men should use permanent FP measures. They believed that men being the breadwinner of the family, should not undergo sterilization, for example, as it would make them physically weak.
“Though I love my wife and I am concerned about her. But I have no options. I must work in a factory. I need to lift heavy weights there. All the major house chores are also done by me. These things (sterilization) would make me weak. How can I earn my livelihood then?”- 22 years Male, FGD participant
Some female participants expressed their concerns regarding the use of permanent FP methods. They mentioned that they had already been through various phases of pain, be it during menstruation, pregnancy, or delivery which has made them weak. Thus, they prefer their husbands to undertake any measures.
In contrast, unmarried participants stated that they would rather discuss and decide together with their partners regarding which method to choose in the future. Despite this interest, women were not sure how to engage their husbands in discussion. Some female participants said that they could not persuade their future husbands to use contraceptives as it would be disrespectful, whereas a few male participants believed it was a woman’s responsibility to use FP methods.
“It (FP) is stuff to be done by the women . So , there is no doubt about who would be doing it . Moreover , people would laugh at me if I do it -20 years Male , FGD participant “ Women have already gone through much pain in bringing up and taking care of the children and again keeping this stuff (FP) in their head is unjustifiable . As such, in comparison to the female operative procedure, I have heard that the male one is simple, less time consuming, and does not bring many complications . So, why not we men take the lead on this? ” -25 years Male, Youth leader, IDI participant
A) supply-side barriers and challenges.
Participants indicated that contraceptive services are not always accessible nor affordable in rural areas. Health facilities are far, and many people feel reluctant to travel in a hot climate. Participants who were reluctant to travel said they were doubtful that the health facilities would have the methods in stock even if they managed to walk the distance. Others who were reluctant said they would be unable to afford the contraceptives from a private medical store regularly. A few participants raised the issue of privacy and unavailability of all services at the health centers. Similarly, young males from the community complained that the services at the health post were focused only on mothers and married couples, while the boys and the unmarried people were not given much attention. For this, they suggested changing the term to something other than FP because they believed that FP should include not only those who had families.
Participants expressed their frustration that FP and SRH services in their village had not been running well for more than a year. They felt that the government was not doing anything about it either. Some students expressed the need for an integrated curriculum at school covering every aspect of SRH and FP that would ensure adequate and proper knowledge of such crucial subjects. Despite the students’ desire to learn and understand FP, their teachers are often reluctant to talk about FP in detail. The participants also indicated that family members, in general, forbid girls and women from getting involved in FP awareness activities.
“Though we are eager to learn about those lessons (reproductive organs and health), our teacher skips them. They tell us to read it by ourselves.” -18 years Female, FGD participant
A few participants were confused about which method to choose, how to use it properly and did not even know where to seek FP services locally.
“My husband works abroad. Last year, when he came home during Dashain (festival), we had (intercourse). Later, he returned to his workplace. Meanwhile, I came to know that I was pregnant, after 3 months. I was shocked to hear that. We already had 3 children; 2 of them were unplanned. I did not have enough information about contraceptive measures in this situation. Had I known about them; I would have used them. I had serious trouble travelling to get it aborted.” - 24 years Female, FGD participant
Some female participants expressed their reluctance to use FP methods due to their own or other people’s past experiences and the fear of side effects, including vaginal bleeding, spotting, abdominal pain, nausea, vomiting, headache, acne, and infertility. These female participants expressed the need for a single-use FP method with fewer side effects for women which could be used without their husbands’ consent. The male participants were worried about the risk of unwanted pregnancy due to the breaking of condoms and a few participants also expressed concern that they experienced allergic reactions after the use of condoms. Moreover, they were concerned about not having any alternative methods of contraception other than condoms.
“I have a much bitter experience. I was using Depo injection before. But I started having over bleeding for which I was admitted to the hospital for a few days. Later, I was switched to implants but they also did not suit me. In between I also used pills, but they aggravated my acne and I was feeling nauseated every day. Uff…. I am fed up now. I swear, I won’t ever use any methods.” - 19 years Female, FGD participant “I have heard that keeping these things (Copper-T) in the uterus can cause cancer. Better to avoid it.” - 20 years Female, FGD participant “There aren’t many choices for men. I think using a condom during sex is like tying plastic around the tongue and eating food.” - 21 years Male, IDI participant
Religious and ethnic variation affected use of FP. Participants reported that people belonging to upper caste groups used FP measures more than lower caste groups. Likewise, people who had migrated from the hilly areas used FP services, whereas people from the local ethnic community did not use as they were less aware of it. FP decisions among young people seem to be influenced largely by religious beliefs, stigma, and the perceived role of men and women based on existing social norms. Some participants regarded children as a gift from God and denied using any FP methods. Some believed using FP was going against the law of nature, religion, and culture; thus, they would not avoid childbirth, but rather celebrate every birth. Some indicated that if couples did not have children within 1–2 years of marriage, then people would question the woman’s fertility. Most couples preferred sons to daughters as they believed sons would look after them and their property, while the daughters would be married and sent away, resulting in avoidance of FP measures until they have a son. Some couples even wished to have two sons because if anything unfortunate happened to one, the other son would still be with them to carry the generation forward.
“My aunt gave birth to a son after 5 successive daughters. She is pregnant again this time in the hope to have a son. She says that she cannot trust to have only one son because if anything happens to their only son, then she will have no one to pay tribute after her death.”- 22 years Female, FGD participant
Participants also said that people felt shy talking about FP openly. Female participants also felt uncomfortable asking for contraceptives with male health personnel at the health post. Similarly, teachers felt uncomfortable teaching about reproductive health and FP as their children and relatives could be present as students in the classroom. Participants indicated that some students would laugh and smile, making it difficult for the teachers to run the classroom sessions smoothly.
It was reported by a FP service provider that some men opposed their wives using any FP measures as they perceived that the use of FP measures allowed their wives to become promiscuous when they go abroad for work.
“Some husbands working abroad forbid their wives from using any FP measures because they fear the use of FP measures may provoke a sexual relationship with someone else in their absence”- 30 years Female, Health professional providing medical abortion services, IDI participant
The youth were interested in getting involved in a “peer to peer education” approach to increase awareness among the community about FP use. This approach would include peer training programs, role-plays/dramas, and counseling sessions to break the key barriers linked with such services. Activities ranging from redesigning the school’s curriculum to strengthening FP services in primary care centers, and from launching mobile outreach clinics to facilitating “spousal communication” were intended to change attitudes and support gender equality in sexual and reproductive health. Participants emphasized forming youth centers and collaborating with other youth clubs in the village. Furthermore, they suggested bringing religious leaders, teachers, doctors, and politicians as advisors of the youth centers would be beneficial as they are influential members of the community.
“I feel bad for my sister who is not given much importance from my parents. She got married against her choice due to her parents’ pressure. Now, they are forcing her to have kids. She is just 15 and if she gets pregnant, what will happen to her health and her child, how can she take care of a baby? I had a long debate with my father yesterday. I have now decided to start a youth club to promote awareness regarding FP and preventing early marriage and teenage pregnancies.” - 23 years Male, FGD participant
Male participants indicated that family planning programs are effective only when men prioritize women’s autonomy. Moreover, they expressed disappointment with the local government for not encouraging the involvement of men in FP programs in their village. To help address this issue, they expressed their interest in supporting the local government in bringing inclusive FP programs to their village.
“For a long time, women have been using those (Contraceptives) by hiding. We are always in fear about what others would say if they came to know about us using it. This can be addressed through male involvement and support.” -24 years Female, FGD participant
This qualitative study provides in-depth information on the understanding and perceptions of youth in Eastern Nepal regarding FP. This study generated findings regarding knowledge and perceptions of rural residents regarding FP and its methods; decision-making and preference among participants; supply-side and demand-side barriers and challenges regarding the use of FP measures; steps that can be taken to improve their use; and the role of youth in increasing FP coverage. Although most participants knew something about FP, a few female participants were completely unaware of it. And while some participants agreed that all married couples should be using FP measures, some unmarried male participants believed that those measures should be exclusively for women. These men said that they would let their wives use them after getting married. Current FP methods for men are either coitus-dependent, such as condoms or withdrawal, or permanent, such as vasectomy. Limited choices for men may have resulted in misconceptions that contraceptives are mostly for women.
Men often claimed to be the sole decision-maker of the family on important matters, including those related to family health and contraception. In most circumstances, men solely decide the FP measure to be used without having a discussion with their partner. This might be one of the reasons why women are bound to adopt a FP method that is not necessarily their choice. Besides, this problem is further reinforced by the limited options of FP methods available for men other than condoms and permanent sterilization. These findings are supported by other studies in South Asia, where family planning measures are mostly considered women’s responsibility [ 21 – 24 ]. Health workers, peers, and mass media were the most common sources of information regarding FP similar to prior studies in India [ 21 , 24 ] and Nepal [ 22 ]. Participants in this study seemed to assign FP responsibility to the other gender in terms of using FP. This could mean that there is a gap in communication within the couples when deciding about FP. There is a need for further research to identify ways to improve communication among couples.
Religious and ethnic variation influence FP use. People belonging to privileged ethnic groups used FP measures more than underprivileged groups. This is despite family planning services being free for all citizens in Nepal. In this study, people who had migrated from hilly regions knew about and used FP services more than those belonging to the ethnic community in the local region. This is an area for further research to understand differences in knowledge and perceptions regarding FP between the population groups. This can be argued as a limitation of the current FP promotion programs, which may not have considered the different needs of people from different religious and ethnic backgrounds [ 25 ]. A few participants reported that their holy scriptures forbade them from using FP methods as they viewed children as a gift from God; any artificial process interrupting pregnancy or preventing the possibility of life is a religious offense for them [ 26 ]. Previous studies from Nepal have shown that this belief has long been rooted in some communities [ 27 – 29 ].
Apart from religious beliefs, fear of side effects, having experienced adverse health consequences after using hormonal contraceptives, and fear of potential infertility in the future are reasons for reluctance using FP methods among women [ 30 ]. Besides, we can speculate that language and cultural barriers, and fear of discrimination especially by male counterparts negatively influence the use of FP measures among some women despite their strong interest in using them. The use of IEC materials in raising awareness and empowering married couples for shared decision-making could help generate demand [ 28 , 29 ]. Local cultural taboos restrict open communication about safer sex measures and sexual health in Nepal, prohibiting young girls and boys from receiving adequate information and guidance regarding sexual and reproductive health and FP [ 31 ].
Most of the married women and men stated that the decision-makers of the family are men. The husband decides whether or not to use contraception, or more specifically, whether or not to let their wives use it. However, unmarried participants expressed their willingness to decide mutually with their spouse regarding FP use in the future [ 21 , 32 ]. Most women in this study seemed comfortable letting their male partners decide on contraceptives. This attitude could be explained by the patriarchal dominance in decision-making [ 19 , 33 , 34 ].
Some men mentioned that condoms inhibit their sexual pleasure, which is why they prefer women to use other methods instead. A study conducted in Far West Nepal and another nationwide study reported similar concerns among men [ 31 , 35 ]. Adolescent girls stated that they were not comfortable talking to a male health worker about FP or to a female worker in the presence of a male health worker, which has also been reported elsewhere [ 36 ]. Some women said that their husbands forbade the use of contraceptives because they thought that contraceptives would allow their wives to become promiscuous and that using FP was a sign of infidelity. This issue, however, was not raised by any men in the study. Some women reported violence as a consequence of using contraceptives without their husband’s consent. Prior qualitative studies also reported that women may suffer domestic violence for opposing their husbands. Studies suggest that a multi-sectoral action involving stakeholders from health, women’s rights, and education sectors is imperative to further research and address this issue [ 29 , 36 , 37 ].
Supply constraints (distance to a provider for getting contraceptives, out of stock, limited choices of contraceptives, unaffordable methods, etc.) could aggravate the unmet need for contraception. These constraints are similar to all regular supplies faced by the health system in Nepal. However, supply-side interventions such as increasing the number of health facilities distributing FP services, policy focusing on consistent operating hours, and full stock of a wide variety of FP methods could largely improve uptake and increase contraceptive coverage [ 18 , 38 ].
Most female participants did not speak up when asked about their perception of the role of men in FP. On the other hand, male participants explained that the role of the youth could be disseminating FP information, conducting awareness campaigns, organizing dramas and role-plays to educate people about the religious and cultural barriers of FP use, etc. With appropriate training, the young men said they would be willing to work for FP advocacy in the community.
Reproductive health leaders and planners should identify men who are willing to share decision-making authority with their wives and devise behavioral change interventions [ 39 ]. Male participation could support the FP programs and also help empower women [ 40 ]. The participants in the study expressed the need for the current FP programs to consider the community members as key stakeholders in planning FP programs. There is a need to further explore possible ways of working with the rural, marginalized communities and hard-to-reach or specific ethnic groups to improve their update of FP services [ 41 ]. There is evidence that mass media messages increase the likelihood of FP use, which could be considered by advocacy and dissemination programs [ 42 ]. Evidence from maternal and newborn health care research shows that interventions that engage men result in more equitable couple communication and shared decision-making. This may be a relatable concept to be considered for FP programs as well [ 43 ].
We urge those in charge of the health and sexual education curriculum to find ways to encourage teachers to give equal attention to these topics, including FP education, as they would to any other. It was reported that teachers were reluctant to teach about FP as they perceived the young students felt discomfort around this topic. Further research to identify innovative youth-friendly methods to teach sexual and reproductive health topics to students may be helpful. Youth groups should be regarded as important stakeholders in the redesign of school health curricula, particularly for their insight into culturally sensitive and otherwise effective ways for delivery. Health professionals, members of local organizations, and community leaders pointed to the necessity of addressing unmet FP needs and the stigma associated with FP use through community education approaches that take into account cultural norms and beliefs [ 44 ]. Interventions focusing on reproductive health education curricula involving school teachers could be considered [ 45 ]. Strengthening health systems, bridging service gaps, improving the integration of contraceptive services and counseling with routine health care are important strategies for increasing contraceptive uptake in eastern Nepal [ 22 ].
Among the study’s limitations was the fact that it was conducted in a single village in eastern Nepal. Our findings might differ if the sample had been drawn from other parts of the country. Although participants spoke fluent Nepali, some phrases used in local dialects could not be perfectly translated into Nepali or English. These responses could have been affected by social desirability as the participants may have felt constrained from speaking freely with people from health institutions. To help reduce these obstacles we held open meetings and drop-in sessions with the support of community youth to disseminate the purpose of the study and build rapport with the young people in the village before we approached them for the study. Moreover, participants were assured anonymity and confidentiality, which may have increased their willingness to participate in the research.
There appear to be information and communication gaps between women and men regarding FP services and programs. The information gap could be addressed by exploring ways to increase information uptake in schools through redesigning the curriculum delivery. Mass media may be used to disseminate appropriate health education regarding FP. Health institutions could consider approaches to create FP information and service centers that are male-friendly. The communication gap may be more deeply rooted in the culture and traditions of Nepalese society. In a mostly patriarchal society, further identification of motivations for men to participate in FP related activities could be challenging. However, it is promising that men may be willing to support their partners for FP decision-making and engage in strengthening FP programs through the “peer to peer” approach via youth-led centers and community clubs. Program managers and policy makers need to take into account the fact that youth are willing to contribute to ongoing FP programs. Doing so would help bridge the information and communication gaps between school education and practice. Innovative research to further explore perceived benefits by youth on the uptake of family planning, sexual and reproductive health services is needed.
Acknowledgments.
We extend our sincere thanks and regards to Dr. Agata Parfieniuk, Kirsty Lunney, and Anu Regmi for their invaluable contributions to the manuscript. We acknowledge the support received from Dr. Meika Bhattachan, Dr. Avinash Kumar Sunny, and Dr. Pawan Upadhyaya during data collection. The authors acknowledge the support received from the BPKIHS and participants for their participation in the study. Special thanks to Dr. Bibisha Baaniya, Dr. Garima Pudasaini, Dr. Soniya Gurung, Dr. Shristi Nepal, Bisha Baaniya, and Arshpreet Kaur for their generous support throughout the study.
BPKIHS | B. P. Koirala Institute of Health Sciences |
FP | Family Planning |
FGD | Focus Group Discussion |
IDI | In-Depth Interview |
mCPR | Modern Contraceptive Prevalence Rate |
SRH | Sexual and Reproductive Health |
The author(s) received no specific funding for this work.
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Newly elected Clare County Councillor, Rachel Hartigan credits her success to working twice as hard as the average candidate, as she graduated from University of Limerick today (Thursday) with a Bachelor of Arts in European Studies .
Aged 22, Cllr Hartigan might be the youngest female councillor in the country, but she is no stranger to politics, having studied it in UL, been an active member of Ógra Fianna Fáil, and interned for Clare TD Cathal Crowe.
It was during her summer internship with Deputy Crowe that Rachel first considered running in the local elections.
“I never would have seen myself running for elected politics”, she explained, “but working in Cathal's office, a lot of the queries coming in were what I would imagine a local councillor should really be dealing with.
“And that's when I realised I didn't know who my local councillor was, which seemed bizarre because I'm a politics student, interning in my TD's office, so I'm politically engaged.
“And there's a lot that a local councillor deals with that has a huge impact on people's day-to-day lives, and I felt like we were really missing that strong voice.”
Cllr Hartigan also credits a lack of representation amongst local councillors as a key factor that “spurred” her to action: “I think the median age of a councillor in Ireland is somewhere in the 70s bracket and I felt like that was extremely unfair.
“When we look at why younger people don't come out in droves to vote a lot of the time, what stood out to me was we can't identify with our politicians.
“We don't feel like they speak for us and they don't take the time to get to know what our issues are and what's important to us.
“We're kind of written off and cast aside a lot of the time, and that really spurred me to action as well.”
Rachel was one of more than 3,600 students to graduate at UL this week, and as a first-time local representative, she said her degree in European Studies has “without a doubt” helped to prepare her for her new role.
“I could probably go through reams of actual content and papers and academic research that I did, I could give you exact examples that will come into play now in my role, but the main thing is critical thinking. It is the ability to be open minded and have the skills to do your own research, that is the biggest thing.
“Because there is no guidebook, there is no induction to becoming a councillor, so I'm dealing with queries on housing, medical cards, roads, and footpaths, it's a broad range of issues and I've just started, so having the skills to be able to research properly and effectively and efficiently is huge and I genuinely wouldn't be able to do what I'm doing now had I not learned those really important research skills in UL.
“Obviously studying politics comes into it but in terms of the other subjects I studied, my time studying marketing was hugely helpful, particularly in planning the campaign.
“It was massively beneficial to have an understanding of consumer culture and behavior and being able to approach social media strategically, not just throwing something up for the sake of it. And they're all skills and habits that I picked up in my time as a student in UL.”
Commenting on the landscape for a young woman running an election campaign, Cllr Hartigan said: “I did get a lot of ‘Oh you'll get elected because you're a woman, so you'll get the woman vote or you'll get elected because you're a young person.’
“I got elected because I worked my ass off, that's why I got elected.
“There wasn't an army of young people or an army of women heading to the polling station for me, that's just not what happened, as much as that would have been really cool to see.
“I got elected because I was canvassing for six or seven hours a day, I was on top of my social media, I was planning and hosting public meetings.
“I was doing all of the things that you need to do to win, but I was working twice as hard as the average candidate because I had a lot to prove because I am a young woman, so it doesn't make it easier to run as a woman or a young person like some people suggest.
“You actually have to prove yourself twice as much, and that's not fair, but I think the only way that that will change is if we get more women in and more young people in.”
Cllr Hartigan credits the support of her family and lecturers in helping her throughout her election campaign.
“My lecturer Dr Scott Fitzsimmons was very supportive, as was course director Dr Xosé Boan, who advised me to watch myself and my own mental health and well-being as well.
“Sometimes you get these grand ideas and you're just all go, all the time and you forget to take the time to mind yourself, so I was really glad to have been told that.”
Rachel does not hail from a political family, with her mother Rosaleen working as a medical secretary and her father Paul the Chief Information Officer for Electric Ireland Superhomes. However, that did not stop Paul from taking on the role of campaign manager.
“We both learned together and he came out with me every single night, as did my mom. I could not have done it without them,” explained Rachel.
“Obviously, the focus and the attention is on the candidate, but behind the scenes nobody does it alone, your family has to be on board.
“It's a huge, massive team effort and for all the work that I was doing with my final year in UL and campaigning, they were out canvassing with me just as much, spending just as many hours at the doors.”
A native of Parteen, Co. Clare, Rachel attended Parteen National School and now represents the Shannon Electoral Area.
Reflecting on achieving the two major milestones of graduating university and winning her first election, she said it hasn’t fully sunk in yet.
“I really felt like I was a campaign/Final Year Project robot, and it’s only the last few weeks I've had time to sit and process and reflect.
“You never really look at your own accomplishments and achievements and say ‘oh my God, that was really good’. I think Irish people in particular, and women too, are really bad at giving themselves a pat on the back, even when it's well deserved.
“I'm trying to take in the huge accomplishment, but it's hard to come out and say that and to even feel it, so that's something I'm working on at the moment, giving myself a little pat on the back.”
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Impact of artificial intelligence on the planning and operation of distributed energy systems in smart grids.
2.1. literature review process, 2.1.1. selection criteria.
2.2.1. methodological approach.
3.1. ai techniques and innovations, 3.1.1. overview of ai techniques, 3.1.2. innovations in ai, 3.1.3. ai techniques for planning and operation of distributed energy systems in smart grids.
3.2.1. demand forecasting, 3.2.2. energy flow optimization, 3.3. coordination and integration of ders, 3.3.1. battery diagnostics and predictive maintenance, 3.3.2. dynamic grid response and decision support systems, 3.3.3. integration of ders, 3.3.4. enhancing system flexibility, 4. challenges and opportunities, 4.1. technical, economic, and regulatory challenges, 4.1.1. technical barriers, 4.1.2. economic impacts, 4.1.3. regulatory and policy issues, 4.2. integration of renewable energies, 4.2.1. intermittent renewable integration, 4.2.2. demand response enhancement, 4.3. cybersecurity in ai applications for distributed energy systems, 4.4. holistic framework for ai applications in energy systems, 4.4.1. overview of ai applications across power system phases.
4.5.1. increased integration of advanced ai techniques:, 4.5.2. enhanced cybersecurity measures, 4.5.3. autonomous and decentralized energy management, integration with emerging technologies, focus on sustainable and resilient energy systems, 5. discussions, 6. conclusions, author contributions, data availability statement, acknowledgments, conflicts of interest.
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Ref. | AI Across Power Phases | AI for Cybersecurity | AI with Emerging Tech | Research Gaps and Future | Centralized and Distributed | Comparison of AI Techniques | Holistic Framework |
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[ ] | X | X | ✔ | ✔ | X | ✔ | X |
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[ ] | X | X | ✔ | ✔ | ✔ | ✔ | X |
[ ] | X | X | X | X | X | X | X |
[ ] | X | X | X | X | X | ✔ | X |
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[ ] | X | ✔ | ✔ | X | ✔ | ✔ | X |
[ ] | X | X | ✔ | ✔ | X | X | X |
This paper | ✔ | ✔ | ✔ | ✔ | ✔ | ✔ | ✔ |
AI Technique | Data Handling | Computational Complexity | Real-Time Applicability | Robustness | Adaptability |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Machine Learning | High | Medium to High | Medium | Medium | Medium |
Deep Learning | Very High | High | Low | High | Low |
Genetic Algorithms | Medium | Medium | Low | Medium | High |
Multi-Agent Systems | High | High | High | High | High |
AI Technique/Innovation | Description | Metrics | Performance | Unique Contribution | Ref. |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Machine Learning in Demand Response | ML models analyze datasets to predict energy demand and manage peak load scenarios. | Accuracy, Response Time | 90% accuracy in peak load prediction, 15% faster response time than traditional methods. | Utilizes hybrid ML models for dynamic demand response. | [ , , ] |
Deep Learning for Anomaly Detection | Neural networks, such as CNNs and RBFnets, detect anomalies and perform power flow analysis in complex grids. | Precision, Recall | 95% precision and 92% recall in fault detection. | Combines deep learning with real-time monitoring for enhanced fault detection. | [ , , ] |
Optimization Algorithms | Genetic algorithms and particle swarm optimization solve complex energy distribution problems. | Computational Efficiency, Resource Allocation | Reduces computational time by 20%, optimizes resource allocation by 25%. | Integrates multi-objective optimization for balanced energy distribution. | [ , , ] |
Reinforcement Learning (RL) | RL techniques, like deep Q-networks, optimize EV charging schedules and energy management. | Learning Rate, Scalability | Achieves 85% learning rate improvement, scalable to larger grids. | Implements RL for real-time adaptive scheduling in EV charging. | [ , , ] |
Novel Idea | Description | Ref. | Potential Research Directions |
---|---|---|---|
AI-Enhanced Energy Communities | Utilize AI and blockchain to empower prosumers in energy trading and management, enhancing efficiency and participation in decentralized energy markets. | [ , , ] | Develop frameworks for secure and efficient peer-to-peer energy trading using AI and blockchain technologies, focusing on scalability and sustainability. |
Adaptive AI for Demand-Side Management | Implement AI-based adaptive algorithms to optimize demand response, manage load, and improve grid reliability. | [ , ] | Explore real-time adaptive AI techniques for dynamic demand-side management in smart grids, enhancing consumer engagement and grid resilience. |
AI-Driven Microgrid Resilience | Integrate AI with IoT for enhanced microgrid management, focusing on resilience and efficient resource allocation. | [ , , ] | Research AI-driven IoT solutions for real-time DER management, focusing on resilience in fluctuating environments and grid stability. |
Federated Learning in Distributed Energy Systems | Use federated learning to maintain data privacy while optimizing distributed energy resource management. | [ , , ] | Investigate federated learning applications for secure, decentralized energy management, emphasizing data privacy and collaborative optimization. |
AI-Enabled Hybrid Energy Systems | Employ AI algorithms to optimize the integration and management of hybrid renewable energy sources, improving efficiency and reducing carbon emissions. | [ , , ] | Study AI’s role in enhancing hybrid systems’ performance, focusing on real-time optimization and environmental impact assessment. |
Stochastic AI Models for Energy Forecasting | Apply deep learning and stochastic models to improve forecasting accuracy in variable renewable energy sources and grid operations. | [ , , ] | Develop advanced stochastic AI models for precise energy forecasting under variable conditions, considering market dynamics and weather impacts. |
AI-Optimized Smart Buildings | Integrate AI with smart building technologies to enhance energy efficiency, demand response, and sustainability. | [ , , ] | Explore AI-driven strategies for optimizing energy use and reducing operational costs in smart buildings, focusing on carbon neutrality and occupant comfort. |
The statements, opinions and data contained in all publications are solely those of the individual author(s) and contributor(s) and not of MDPI and/or the editor(s). MDPI and/or the editor(s) disclaim responsibility for any injury to people or property resulting from any ideas, methods, instructions or products referred to in the content. |
Arévalo, P.; Jurado, F. Impact of Artificial Intelligence on the Planning and Operation of Distributed Energy Systems in Smart Grids. Energies 2024 , 17 , 4501. https://doi.org/10.3390/en17174501
Arévalo P, Jurado F. Impact of Artificial Intelligence on the Planning and Operation of Distributed Energy Systems in Smart Grids. Energies . 2024; 17(17):4501. https://doi.org/10.3390/en17174501
Arévalo, Paul, and Francisco Jurado. 2024. "Impact of Artificial Intelligence on the Planning and Operation of Distributed Energy Systems in Smart Grids" Energies 17, no. 17: 4501. https://doi.org/10.3390/en17174501
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123. Popul Environ (2007) 28:212-222. DOI 10.1007/s11111-007-0042-9. The purpose of this paper is to examine the evidence on the need for family. planning. The available evidence on current ...
Knowledge, attitude, and practice of family planning ...
This paper reviews the literature examining the relationship between women's empowerment and contraceptive use, unmet need for contraception and related family planning topics in developing countries. Searches were conducted using PubMed, Popline and Web of Science search engines in May 2013 to examine literature published between January ...
As the family planning field looks beyond 2020 to 2030, this paper provides a roadmap for building on the gains made over the past decade to effectively tackle the challenges remaining to ensure that programming to achieve the vision of the FP2030 Partnership is rights-based. Keywords: human rights, family planning, contraception ...
Studies in Family Planning disseminates research that helps ensure that efforts to improve the sexual and reproductive health, rights, and choices of underserved populations are based on academically rigorous scientific studies. We publish research articles, reports, commentaries, and data papers. The journal is managed by the Population Council.
Globally, the number of women aged 15-19 years who had unmet need fo r family planning decreased from. 17 million in 2000 to 14 million in 2020 ( gure 8). e large decline in unmet need amo ng ...
The latest figures and progress of the Family Planning 2020 (FP2020) global partnership were released in its annual report on Dec 5. FP2020 The Way Ahead, together with a related research paper by Niamh Cahill and colleagues published online in The Lancet, paint a mixed picture. By July, 2017, more than 309 million women and girls of reproductive age in the 69 FP2020 focus (the world's poorest ...
This paper presents the findings of a qualitative assessment aimed at exploring knowledge, attitudes, and practices regarding family planning and factors that influence the need for and use of mode... Skip to Article Content; Skip to Article Information ... Research, Monitoring and Evaluation, Technical Services Department, 21-C, Commercial ...
e (World Health Organization).This is one of seven Family Planning Evidence Briefs prepared for the Family Planning Summit h. ld in London on July 11, 2017. The briefs highlight evidence and provide research and programme considerations for improving access to family planning and.
Since 2009, the International Conference on Family Planning (ICFP) has served as an opportunity for the global reproductive health community to share FP advances and practice lessons in the areas of research, programming, and advocacy. The purpose of this paper was to synthesize the key results and findings presented by members of the FP ...
Search the journal. Founded in 1963, Studies in Family Planning is concerned with all aspects of reproductive health, fertility regulation, and family planning programs in both developing and developed countries. The journal's authors are internationally recognized authorities working in such fields as public health, sociology, demography ...
A number of factors may determine family planning decisions; however, some may be dependent on the social and cultural context. To understand these factors, we conducted a qualitative study with family planning providers and community stakeholders in a diverse, low-income neighborhood of Istanbul, Turkey. We used purposeful sampling to recruit 16 respondents (eight family planning service ...
Additional information is available at the end of the chapter. Abstract. The study analyzes the links between family planning programs, contraceptive preva-. lence and fertility trends in sub ...
The Importance of Family Planning for Adolescents. ween 10 and 24 years of age.2 Among the many sexually active adolescents worldwide, large numbers want to avoid, delay or limit pregnancy but lack the knowledge, agency or resources to make decisio. s regarding their reproduction. On average, unmet need for contraception is greater among ...
Family planning policies, defined in this paper as those increasing legal or financial access to modern contraceptives and related education and medical services, have grown increasingly controversial over the last decade. 1 In 2010 and 2011, congressional Republicans supported proposals to cut family planning funding through Title X of the Public Health Service Act, which funds U.S. family ...
Family Planning: Program Effects
Family planning research This is the ethos of what family planning is all about-the right of individuals, and of couples, to decide on how many child ren they want, and when. Photo WHO/J. Mohr there are now only three of these companies which have a comprehen sive research programme in contra ceptive development. Several large
The Pattern of Family Planning by the Adolescents and Older Women.....82. Table 4 . Current Use of Family Planning by Adolescents and Older Women by Specific Method.....83. Table 5 . Family Planning Methods Discontinuation by Adolescents and Older
Knowledge, attitude and practice towards family planning ...
This review is aimed to investigate family planning knowledge, attitudes, and practices in east African countries. through published papers.A re view was conducted on knowledge, attitude and ...
Background Evaluation of awareness and use of family planning methods is important to improve services and policies. This study aimed to assess awareness and use of family planning methods among women in an urban community in the north of Saudi Arabia. A cross-sectional study was carried out in a maternity hospital and 12 primary health care (PHC) centers in Hail City between December 1st ...
The U.S. birth rate hit a record low in 2023, but data suggests that over the past 30 years, the number of adults who want to have children has remained relatively stable. So why aren't more ...
Family planning is a choice for many youth, but they often experience barriers such as negative provider attitudes, ... Further research to identify innovative youth-friendly methods to teach sexual and reproductive health topics to students may be helpful. Youth groups should be regarded as important stakeholders in the redesign of school ...
Research Areas. Artificial Intelligence. Abstract. Foundational image-language models have generated considerable interest due to their efficient adaptation to downstream tasks by prompt learning. Prompt learning treats part of the language model input as trainable while freezing the rest, and optimizes an Empirical Risk Minimization objective ...
Newly elected Clare County Councillor, Rachel Hartigan credits her success to working twice as hard as the average candidate, as she graduated from University of Limerick today (Thursday) with a Bachelor of Arts in European Studies. Aged 22, Cllr Hartigan might be the youngest female councillor in the country, but she is no stranger to politics, having studied it in UL, been an active member ...
family planning final thesis. February 2020. DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.19053.33769. Thesis for: Bachelor Science Of Public Health Officer. Advisor: SUPERVISOR BY: Dr. Hamze Ali Abdulahi, Hoodo Ziad ...
This review paper thoroughly explores the impact of artificial intelligence on the planning and operation of distributed energy systems in smart grids. With the rapid advancement of artificial intelligence techniques such as machine learning, optimization, and cognitive computing, new opportunities are emerging to enhance the efficiency and reliability of electrical grids.