essay child marriage

• Open access
• Published: 14 February 2022

The health consequences of child marriage: a systematic review of the evidence

• Suiqiong Fan 1 &
• Alissa Koski 1 , 2  

BMC Public Health volume  22 , Article number:  309 ( 2022 ) Cite this article

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Child marriage, defined as marriage before 18 years of age, is a violation of human rights and a marker of gender inequality. Growing attention to this issue on the global development agenda also reflects concerns that it may negatively impact health. We conducted a systematic review to synthesize existing research on the consequences of child marriage on health and to assess the risk of bias in this body of literature.

Methods and findings

We searched databases focused on biomedicine and global health for studies that estimated the effect of marrying before the age of 18 on any physical or mental health outcome or health behaviour. We identified 58 eligible articles, nearly all of which relied on cross-sectional data sources from sub-Saharan Africa or South Asia. The most studied health outcomes were indicators of fertility and fertility control, maternal health care, and intimate partner violence. All studies were at serious to critical risk of bias. Research consistently found that women who marry before the age of 18 begin having children at earlier ages and give birth to a larger number of children when compared to those who marry at 18 or later, but whether these outcomes were desired was not considered. Across studies, women who married as children were also consistently less likely to give birth in health care facilities or with assistance from skilled providers. Studies also uniformly concluded that child marriage increases the likelihood of experiencing physical violence from an intimate partner. However, research in many other domains, including use of contraception, unwanted pregnancy, and sexual violence came to divergent conclusions and challenge some common narratives regarding child marriage.

Conclusions

There are many reasons to be concerned about child marriage. However, evidence that child marriage causes the health outcomes described in this review is severely limited. There is more heterogeneity in the results of these studies than is often recognized. For these reasons, greater caution is warranted when discussing the potential impact of child marriage on health. We provide suggestions for avoiding common biases and improving the strength of the evidence on this subject.

Trial registration

The protocol of this systematic review was registered with PROSPERO (CRD42020182652) in May 2020.

Peer Review reports

Introduction

Marriage before the age of 18, often referred to as child marriage, is a violation of human rights that hinders educational attainment and literacy and may increase the likelihood of living in poverty in adulthood [ 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 ]. Girls are far more likely to marry than boys, and these consequences contribute to existing gender gaps in educational outcomes in some settings [ 6 , 7 ]. The United Nations Sustainable Development Goals list child marriage as an indicator of gender inequality and call for an end to the practice by the year 2030 [ 8 ]. Child marriage remains ongoing throughout much of the world despite intensifying efforts to eliminate it [ 9 ].

In addition to its consequences on education, growing attention to child marriage as a global development issue also seems to reflect increasing consideration of its potential impacts on population health. Multinational organizations including the World Bank, the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) include the potential for harmful consequences on health among the foremost concerns regarding this practice [ 2 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 ]. These organizations highlight relationships between child marriage and early childbearing [ 11 , 12 , 13 ], obstetric complications [ 12 , 13 ], violence [ 2 , 12 ], and sexually transmitted infections [ 12 ], among other adverse outcomes.

We undertook this systematic review to synthesize the results of existing research regarding the impact of child marriage on the health of persons who marry before the age of 18. We evaluated the range of health outcomes that have been studied and the geographic distribution of those studies. We also assessed the risk of bias in individual studies and the likelihood that their results reflect causal relationships.

We searched three databases for literature on the relationship between child marriage and health: MEDLINE, Embase, and Ovid Global Health. These databases were chosen because they focus on biomedicine and human health. We aimed to include as broad a range of health outcomes as possible and focusing our search within these databases allowed us to avoid defining specific health outcomes within our search terms. Instead, we searched for studies of child marriage within these databases. This approach made our search terms more concise and the range of outcomes more inclusive. Specific search terms used for each database are included in Supplementary File 1 . We registered our protocol with PROSPERO (CRD42020182652) in May 2020 and conducted our database searches shortly afterward.

We also searched Google Scholar to identify relevant grey literature. Haddaway et al. [ 14 ] found that the majority of grey literature tends to appear within the first 200 citations returned by Google Scholar and recommend focusing on the first 200-300 records. We followed this recommendation and evaluated the first 300 records returned, as sorted by relevance. Search terms used in Google Scholar are also included in Supplementary File 1 . We reviewed the bibliographies of all included studies in an effort to identify any relevant citations not picked up through searches of the databases described above. The search strategy was developed with assistance from a research librarian at McGill University.

Citations returned from searches of all four databases were imported into EndNote X9 and duplicate citations removed [ 15 ]. We transferred all unique citations into Rayyan to facilitate the review process [ 16 ]. A single reviewer (SF) examined the title and abstract of each unique citation for eligibility according to pre-defined criteria specified in the registered protocol. Articles were brought forward for full-text review if they described etiologic studies that used quantitative methods to estimate the effect of child marriage on one or more health outcomes. We defined child marriage as formal or informal union prior to the age of 18. If the title and abstract did not specify the age thresholds used to define child marriage, they were brought forward for full-text review. For example, abstracts that referred to the effect of adolescent or teen marriage without explicitly stating how those exposures were defined were brought forward. Eligible health outcomes included physical or mental health disorders or symptoms of those disorders, as well as health behaviours. Eligible health behaviours included actions like smoking or dietary habits as well as health care seeking, such as prenatal care. We restricted our review to studies in which outcomes were measured at the individual level and to those that measured the effect of child marriage on the individuals married; studies that examined the effect of age at marriage on the offspring of the persons who married were excluded. Studies written in English, French or Chinese were eligible for inclusion.

We excluded studies that used solely qualitative methods and quantitative studies that relied exclusively on hypothesis testing to indicate differences between groups. For example, studies that used chi-squared tests to indicate whether the distribution of some characteristic differed between persons married before the age of 18 and those married at older ages were excluded, even if the authors seemed to interpret their results as causal, because such testing does not result in a comparative effect measure (e.g., a risk difference or an odds ratio) and does not account for potential biases. We also excluded studies in which persons who married before the age of 18 were incorporated into a larger aggregate age category, making the effect of child marriage unidentifiable. For example, comparisons of outcomes among persons who married between 15 and 19 years of age with those who married between 20 and 24 years of age were not eligible for inclusion. Conference presentations and abstracts were also excluded.

Both authors read the full text of each article brought forward from the title and abstract review and independently judged their eligibility according to the inclusion and exclusion criteria described above. Discrepancies were resolved through discussion. The following information was extracted from each included study: authors, title, year of publication, the language of publication, country/region in which the study was conducted, study design, study population, sample size, data sources, statistical methods, outcomes, and results.

Risk of bias assessment

We assessed the risk of bias within each included study using the Risk Of Bias In Non-randomised Studies - of Interventions (ROBINS-I) tool developed by members of the Cochrane Bias Methods Group and the Cochrane Non-Randomised Studies Methods Group [ 17 ]. ROBINS-I is designed to evaluate the risk of bias in non-randomized studies by considering how closely the study’s design and methods approximate an ideal randomized trial. To illustrate, in a hypothetical cluster-randomized trial to estimate the causal effect of child marriage on a specified health outcome, the treatment or intervention would be marriage before the age of 18 years. All children in a specific area (a region, a state, a community, etc.) would be randomized at a very young age to one of two treatment groups: those randomized to the intervention would marry at some point prior to their 18th birthdays (a = 1), while those randomized to the control group would marry on their 18th birthday or any later age (a = 0). All children would then be followed up over a period of time sufficient to observe the specified outcome of interest. In the ideal randomized trial, all persons would adhere to their assigned treatment (i.e., remain married) and would remain in the study until follow-up was complete. After the follow-up period, the probability of the outcome among those assigned to a = 1 would be compared with the same probability among those assigned to a = 0. Under these conditions, we could expect that there would be no differences between those children who married before the age of 18 and those who married afterward aside from age at marriage. As a result, if the probability of the outcome among those randomly assigned to marry as children differed from the probability among those randomly assigned to marry after their 18th birthdays, one could interpret that difference as the causal effect of child marriage [ 18 ].

Of course, a randomized trial like this would be unethical and could never actually be conducted. Researchers interested in the effects of child marriage on health must rely on non-randomized study designs to estimate the causal effect of interest. Without the benefit of randomization, it becomes challenging to identify the causal effect of child marriage because those who marry as children are different from those who marry at later ages in many ways. For example, girls who marry before the age of 18 come from poorer households and from communities with greater gender inequality, on average, compared to those who marry at later ages. These differences are likely to affect their health through causal pathways other than age at marriage, such as the experience of violence or limited ability to access education or health care. This means that a naïve comparison of health outcomes between those who marry as children and those who marry as adults is likely to mix up the consequences of age at marriage with the consequences of childhood poverty and gender inequality.

The ROBINS-I tool requires assessors to carefully consider the potential for multiple sources of bias including confounding, inappropriate selection of participants into the study (i.e., selection bias), mishandling of missing data, and problems with the measurement of exposures and outcomes (i.e., information bias). The potential for bias in each domain is assessed through a series of signaling questions and a summary judgement of low, moderate, serious, or critical risk of bias is then made within each domain. A cross-domain judgement of the risk of bias for the entire study is made based on the risk within each individual domain. Both authors independently assessed the risk of bias in each included study. Disagreements in any single domain or across domains were resolved by discussion.

We identified a set of variables likely to confound estimates of the effect of child marriage on a wide range of health outcomes in advance to facilitate assessment of bias in this domain. These variables and their relationships to child marriage and health, broadly defined, are illustrated in the simplified Directed Acyclic Graph (DAG) in Fig.  1 . The prevalence of child marriage has fallen over time in many countries, which means that the likelihood of marrying before the age of 18 differs across birth cohorts [ 6 , 19 ]. As discussed above, childhood socioeconomic conditions and gender inequality may lead to child marriage. They may also influence health later in life through a variety of causal pathways. We also considered spousal characteristics a source of confounding because the presence of an available spouse may drive child marriage. For example, a potential husband willing to pay a bride price for a young wife may motivate a family to marry a girl child. The same characteristics of the spouse that may motivate the marriage, such as his age, wealth, and attitudes regarding gender equity, may influence the married child’s health later in life through mechanisms like controlling behaviour. In studies that use pooled data from across multiple regions or countries, it is also important to control for confounding by country/regional-level variables that affect both the probability of child marriage and health. The DAG also illustrates our assumption that the effects of child marriage on health are often mediated through educational attainment and socioeconomic conditions after marriage.

Directed acyclic graph illustrating assumed causal relationships between child marriage and a wide range of health outcomes

We synthesized results narratively. Included studies considered a wide range of health outcomes, as intended given our search strategy. We found it most intuitive and pragmatic to synthesize results within broad outcome categories, such as the effects of child marriage on contraceptive use, on maternal health care, and on mental health. These categories emerged from the data and were not pre-specified. Meta-analyses were not conducted because the studies examined a wide range of health outcomes that were measured in different ways. The serious risk of bias in all included studies, discussed below, also made quantitative synthesis inappropriate.

Our search strategy returned a total of 2767 unique records from MEDLINE, Embase, Ovid Global Health and Google Scholar, as shown in Fig.  2 . After title and abstracting screening, the full text of 126 articles was reviewed. Fifty-six of these studies met our inclusion criteria and two additional eligible studies were identified through citation tracking, for a total of 58 included articles.

PRISMA flow diagram illustrating the process used to identify eligible studies

Selected characteristics of all 58 studies included in our review are presented in Table  1 . These studies were published between 1989 and 2020 but the vast majority ( n  = 55, 95%) were published in 2010 or later and more than half ( n  = 31, 53%) were published between 2016 and 2020, which reflects the relatively recent rise of child marriage on global health and development agendas. Included studies were based in 70 countries across the globe, as illustrated in Fig.  3 . Nearly all studies, 57 of 58, were based in low- and middle-income countries according to World Bank classifications [ 20 ]; the single exception was a study based in the United States [ 21 ]. The geographic distribution of studies included in our review was heavily focused in South Asia ( n  = 30, 52%) and Sub-Saharan Africa ( n  = 27, 47%), which is perhaps unsurprising given that countries in these regions have some of the highest rates of child marriage in the world [ 9 ]. However, more than half of the studies included in our review were based in just three countries: India ( n  = 13), Bangladesh ( n  = 8) and Ethiopia ( n  = 11). Studies from regions other than South Asia or Sub-Saharan Africa were nearly all included in a handful of studies that analyzed survey data from multiple countries simultaneously [ 22 , 23 , 24 ].

Nearly all included studies, 55 of 58 (95%), were based on the analysis of cross-sectional survey data. More than half ( n  = 34, 59%) relied on data from a single source, the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), or their precursor, the World Fertility Surveys (WFS).

Geographic distribution of included studies

Bias assessment

All studies included in our review were determined to be at serious or critical risk of bias based on assessment using ROBINS-I. The summary risk of bias assessment for each study is listed in Table  1 ; risk of bias within each ROBINS-I domain in each study is detailed in Supplementary File 2 . Confounding was the most prevalent concern. Every study was deemed to be at serious to critical risk of bias in this domain, most often because of failure to account for important sources of confounding and inappropriate adjustment for variables affected by age at marriage that are on the causal pathway. Cross-sectional surveys like the DHS often do not collect information necessary to control for confounding. Failure to control for major sources of confounding like childhood poverty and gender inequality may result in overestimation of the harmful effects of child marriage. The second common source of bias was adjustment for variables measured after marriage that are likely on the causal pathway between age at marriage and the health outcomes being studied. To illustrate, the authors of many studies included in this review acknowledged that age at marriage may dictate how long a girl stays in school and that her educational attainment may subsequently influence a wide range of health outcomes. Unfortunately, they then adjusted for educational attainment in regression analyses. This will very likely result in biased estimates because educational attainment was measured after marriage and is more likely to be a mediator than a confounder (Fig.  1 ) [ 79 , 80 ]. Adjusting for it may remove some of the effect of child marriage on health and lead to underestimates of effect. Given that these two issues may bias results in different directions, predicting the net direction of confounding within studies is challenging. Other sources of bias also affected many of the studies in this review, including selection and measurement biases. Few authors discussed the potential influence of bias on their estimates or their conclusions.

The health consequences of child marriage

Studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on a variety of health outcomes. The most common outcomes were measures of reproductive health, such as fertility and fertility control, maternal health care utilization, intimate partner violence, mental health, and nutritional status. The following paragraphs synthesize the literature in each of these categories. In light of the serious risk of bias in all included studies, we interpreted these results with a high degree of caution. We assessed the direction of effect measures, meaning whether the study found that child marriage increased or decreased the probability of experiencing the outcome, and the consistency of directionality across studies within each outcome category. We also assessed the precision of effect measures by evaluating the width of confidence intervals surrounding those measures. We did not interpret the magnitude of the effect estimates from individual studies due to the risk of bias.

The effect of child marriage on the number and timing of births

Eleven studies estimated the effect of child marriage on the number of children born, though this outcome was not consistently measured. Some studies estimated the effect of child marriage on the odds of having given birth to any children [ 34 , 50 , 63 ], the odds of having three or more children [ 24 , 46 , 50 , 63 , 75 ], four or more children [ 34 ], five or more children [ 37 , 69 ], or a continuous measure of the total number of children ever born [ 24 , 25 , 30 , 46 , 54 ]. The age ranges of the people included in these studies also differed, leading to variation in the time frame over which these births could have occurred. Child marriage was correlated with higher fertility in nearly all studies regardless of how the outcome was defined. The only exception was a study from Ethiopia that found no effect [ 30 ]. Ten of these studies focused on fertility exclusively among women. Misunas et al. [ 24 ] focused on men and came to similar conclusions: child marriage increased the odds that men aged 20-29 had fathered three or more children and increased the average number of children fathered by the ages of 40-49 [ 24 ].

A second commonly examined outcome was the likelihood of giving birth within the first year of marriage. Four studies based on data from South Asia [ 39 , 46 , 50 , 63 ] and one study based on pooled data from multiple countries in Africa [ 75 ] examined this outcome. Three of these studies [ 46 , 50 , 75 ] reported that marriage before the age of 18 decreased the odds of giving birth within the first year of marriage. The remaining two [ 39 , 63 ] did not find any evidence of a relationship between child marriage and this outcome.

We also identified five studies that estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of giving birth before a specified age, often referred to as early, teen, or adolescent pregnancy [ 23 , 26 , 31 , 32 , 34 ]. Three of these studies found that child marriage increased the odds of giving birth before the age of 20 [ 26 , 31 , 32 ], the other two reported that child marriage increased the odds of giving birth before the age of 18 [ 23 , 34 ]. Two studies also estimated the effect of child marriage on mean age at first birth and found that those who married before the age of 18 gave birth for the first time at younger ages, on average, than those who married at older ages [ 32 , 46 ].

Collectively, this evidence indicates that women who marry as children often begin having children of their own at earlier ages when compared to their peers who marry after their 18th birthdays, and that they tend to have a larger number of children over their lifetimes. This is not surprising, given that marriage changes sexual behavior in ways that increase the risk of pregnancy. Essentially, girls who marry at earlier ages spend a longer time at risk of pregnancy than those who marry later.

The effect of child marriage on birth intervals

The World Health Organization recommends an interval of at least 24 months between a live birth and a subsequent pregnancy to reduce the risk of poor maternal health outcomes [ 81 ]. Five studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of repeated childbirths in less than two years [ 39 , 50 , 62 , 63 , 75 ]. All five used samples of women between the ages of 20 and 24 who were included in DHS. A sixth study based on a small cross-sectional sample of women aged 15-49 from Ethiopia estimated the effect on repeated childbirth in less than three years [ 27 ]. These studies came to different conclusions. Two studies by the same author reported that child marriage increased the odds of repeated childbirth within two years in India [ 62 , 63 ] but another study based on the same data source found that women who married as children were less likely to have two births within a two-year period than those who married at older ages [ 39 ]. There were also differences in the results of research from Pakistan: one study reported that child marriage made it more likely that women would have two births within two years [ 50 ] while another found no evidence that child marriage influenced this outcome [ 39 ]. Child marriage protected against short birth intervals in Nepal [ 39 ] and in an analysis of data from 34 African countries [ 75 ]. There was no evidence that child marriage influence the likelihood of short birth intervals in Bangladesh [ 39 ].

These results, which range from harmful to protective effects, indicate that child marriage is not clearly or consistently correlated with short birth intervals.

Child marriage, unwanted or mistimed pregnancy, and pregnancy termination

Seven studies estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of experiencing a mistimed or unwanted pregnancy [ 39 , 46 , 47 , 50 , 62 , 63 , 75 ]. All seven were based on analyses of DHS data. The DHS typically asks women whether pregnancies were wanted at the time they occurred, wanted later (i.e., mistimed), or not wanted. Interestingly, six of the seven studies that examined this outcome reduced these categorical responses into a binary measure: women were categorized as having an unwanted pregnancy if they reported that they had a mistimed pregnancy or if they became pregnant when they did not want any more children [ 39 , 46 , 50 , 62 , 63 , 75 ]. The rationale for doing this was not explained in any of the studies. The remaining study [ 47 ] only categorized instances in which a woman became pregnant at a time when she did not want any more children as unwanted.

Estimates of the effect of child marriage on this outcome are mixed. A study from 34 countries in Africa reported that child marriage protected against mistimed/unwanted pregnancies [ 75 ]. Studies from India, Pakistan, and Nepal concluded that child marriage increased the odds of experiencing mistimed/unwanted pregnancy [ 39 , 50 ]. Three studies from Bangladesh came to different conclusions. One found no relationship between child marriage and this outcome [ 39 ] while another reported that child marriage increased the odds of mistimed/unwanted pregnancy [ 46 ]. The third used a different definition of the outcome and found that marriage before the age of 15 was positively associated with unwanted pregnancy (mistimed pregnancies were treated as wanted) but no evidence that marriage between the ages of 15 and 17 affected the likelihood of unwanted pregnancy [ 47 ].

Three of these studies also estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of experiencing two or more mistimed or unwanted pregnancies [ 39 , 62 , 63 ]. Godha et al. reported a large effect of child marriage on having multiple mistimed/unwanted pregnancies in India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan but results were inconclusive in Nepal [ 39 ]. Two studies by the same author reported that child marriage increased the odds of having multiple mistimed/unwanted pregnancies in India [ 62 , 63 ].

We identified eight studies of the effect of child marriage on pregnancy outcomes [ 39 , 47 , 48 , 50 , 57 , 63 , 66 , 75 ]. Six of these relied on the DHS, which typically asks female respondents, “Have you ever had a pregnancy that miscarried, was aborted, or ended in a stillbirth?” [ 82 ]. The wording of this question makes it impossible to examine these outcomes separately. As a result, most studies based on the DHS used a composite outcome that grouped these three events despite differences in their intendedness. Five studies based on the DHS concluded that child marriage increased the odds of having a pregnancy end in either miscarriage, abortion, or stillbirth [ 39 , 48 , 50 , 63 , 75 ]. Exceptionally, the 2007 Bangladesh DHS asked a yes or no question regarding whether a woman had ever terminated a pregnancy. Using responses to this question, Kamal reported that marriage before the age of 15 was correlated with higher odds of termination but no evidence that marriage between 15 and 17 years of age influenced this outcome [ 47 ].

Two studies from India used other cross-sectional data sources and defined their outcomes differently. Santhya et al. used a combined outcome of miscarriage and stillbirth and found that child marriage increased the likelihood of experiencing either of these birth outcomes. [ 66 ]. Paul considered stillbirth and miscarriage separately. Marriage before the age of 15 increased the odds of stillbirth and miscarriage, but marriage between the ages of 15-17 was no less risky in this regard than marriage at 18 or later [ 57 ].

Child marriage and contraceptive use

Fifteen of the studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on various aspects of contraceptive use [ 23 , 24 , 32 , 39 , 40 , 41 , 43 , 46 , 53 , 56 , 62 , 63 , 65 , 66 , 75 ]. All were based on cross-sectional data and thirteen used data from the DHS.

Of these fifteen studies, eight estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood that women were using contraception at the time the surveys were conducted [ 32 , 39 , 40 , 46 , 53 , 62 , 63 , 65 ]. As with other outcomes, results were mixed. Child marriage reportedly increased the likelihood of using modern contraception in India and Bangladesh [ 39 ]. Results from Pakistan and Nepal indicate that the same may be true in those countries but the estimates were imprecise [ 39 ]. A second study from Nepal concluded that child marriage led to lower odds of using modern contraception [ 65 ]. The two studies from Nepal used different samples of women, which may partially explain the differences in their results. A study based on pooled data from 18 African countries found that child marriage was correlated with a lower likelihood of using modern contraception [ 53 ]. However, results varied markedly between countries and across geographic regions; in some, child marriage appeared to increase the likelihood of using modern contraception [ 53 ]. In Ghana, de Groot et al. found that child marriage was not correlated with the odds of using any form of contraception or with the use of modern contraceptives [ 32 ].

Two other studies investigated the effect of child marriage on the use of any method of contraception, including those not classified as modern [ 40 , 46 ]. Marriage prior to the age of 15 led to lower odds of contraceptive use in Rwanda, but there was no indication that those who married between 15 and 17 years of age were any more or less likely to use contraception than those who married at older ages [ 40 ]. In Bangladesh, women who married as children were more likely to be using some form of contraception at the time of the survey than those who married at the age of 18 or older [ 46 ]. In yet another iteration of this outcome, Yaya [ 75 ] reported that women who married as children were more likely to have ever used modern contraception. A single study estimated the effect of child marriage among men on the likelihood that they were using modern contraception [ 24 ]. In five of ten countries studied, child marriage was not related to modern contraceptive use. In two (Honduras and Nepal), child marriage seemed to slightly increase the odds of contraceptive use, but it decreased the likelihood in Madagascar [ 24 ].

A second outcome that has received particular focus is whether a woman used contraception before her first pregnancy. All four studies that examined the effect of child marriage on this outcome were based on data from South Asia [ 39 , 56 , 63 , 66 ] and concluded that marrying as a child decreased the likelihood that a woman used contraception prior to her first pregnancy [ 39 , 56 , 63 , 66 ]. The authors of these studies frequently interpreted their results as an indicator of uncontrolled fertility that may place girls and their children at risk of poor health outcomes [ 39 , 56 , 63 ]. However, this relationship is more challenging to interpret because the outcome variables used did not capture whether pregnancies were desired shortly after marriage or the outcomes of those pregnancies.

Four studies estimated the impact of child marriage on the likelihood that a woman had an unmet need for contraception [ 23 , 32 , 41 , 43 ]. This outcome was conceptually defined as a woman who is sexually active but not using contraception and who reports a desire to delay the next birth (a need for spacing), have no more births (a need for limiting), or a combination of the two. Once again, conclusions differ between studies. Using pooled DHS data from 47 countries, Kidman and Heymann found that marrying as a child increased the likelihood that women had an unmet need for contraception to either space or limit births [ 23 ]. An analysis of DHS data from Ethiopia found that women who married as children were less likely to have an unmet need for spacing and less likely to have an unmet need for limiting births compared to women who married at older ages [ 41 ]. In Zambia, child marriage was correlated with a greater unmet need for spacing and for limiting [ 43 ]. In Ghana, de Groot et al. found that child marriage was not correlated with an unmet need for limiting [ 32 ]. These studies all used different samples, which may partially explain the differences in their results.

Child marriage and use of maternal health care

Nine of the studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on the use of health care during pregnancy, at the time of delivery, and during the post-partum period, which we collectively refer to as maternal health care [ 33 , 39 , 49 , 53 , 58 , 62 , 66 , 67 , 74 ].

Studies of prenatal care defined their outcomes as the receipt of at least one prenatal checkup [ 49 , 62 ], the receipt of four or more prenatal checkups [ 49 , 58 , 67 ], or a count of the total number of prenatal checkups received [ 39 , 53 ]. Once again, results within countries come to different conclusions. In Nepal, one study found that women who married as children were less likely to receive four or more prenatal checkups [ 67 ] while another found no evidence that child marriage influenced this outcome [ 39 ]. A study from India found no indication that child marriage affected prenatal care [ 39 ] but two others concluded that child marriage decreased the likelihood of receiving at least one checkup and of receiving at least four checkups [ 58 , 62 ]. In one study from Pakistan, women who married as children were less likely to receive any prenatal care than those who married at older ages, but there was no difference in the likelihood of receiving four or more checkups [ 49 ]. A separate study from the same country reported that child marriage had no effect on the number of prenatal care checkups [ 39 ]. The effect of child marriage on the number of prenatal care visits varied between geographic regions in Africa. In some, child marriage appeared correlated with a decrease the number of visits while in others there was no effect [ 53 ].

Compared to other outcomes, the results of studies that estimated the impact of child marriage on the likelihood of delivering in a health care facility were remarkably consistent. Across geographic locations, all seven studies that examined this outcome concluded that child marriage reduced the likelihood of delivery in a health care facility [ 39 , 49 , 53 , 58 , 66 , 67 , 74 ]. Six of the same studies also found that women who married as children were less likely to have a skilled health care provider present during delivery [ 39 , 49 , 53 , 58 , 67 , 74 ].

Only two studies considered post-natal care [ 58 , 67 ]. One reported that child marriage led to lower likelihood of a post-natal checkup within 42 days of delivery in India [ 66 ] while the other found a lower likelihood of a checkup within 24 h of delivery in Nepal [ 75 ].

Child marriage and intimate partner violence

Sixteen studies estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of experiencing intimate partner violence [ 22 , 23 , 29 , 35 , 38 , 42 , 51 , 53 , 55 , 60 , 62 , 64 , 66 , 70 , 71 , 77 ]. Fifteen of these studies were based on cross-sectional data [ 22 , 23 , 29 , 35 , 38 , 42 , 51 , 53 , 55 , 60 , 62 , 64 , 66 , 70 , 71 ] and eight (50%) were based on the DHS [ 22 , 23 , 51 , 53 , 60 , 62 , 64 , 70 ]. The DHS measures intimate partner violence by asking female respondents a series of questions regarding their experience of specific acts. For example, physical violence is assessed by asking women whether they have been slapped, kicked, or pushed, among other actions. Sexual violence is assessed by asking whether the respondent’s husband has forced her to have sex or perform sex acts when she did not want to. Emotional violence is measured by asking whether her spouse has humiliated or threatened her [ 83 ]. Studies based on data from sources other than the DHS tended to use the same or very similar questions to measure the experience of violence.

Physical violence was the most frequently examined outcome but was measured over different time frames across studies. Some estimated the likelihood of ever having experienced physical violence from a husband or partner while others considered only the year prior to the survey. Still, others focused on the 3 months prior to the survey [ 35 ], the 9 months between survey waves [ 77 ], or during pregnancy [ 38 ]. Regardless of the time period during which violence was measured, the conclusions of these studies were fairly consistent: nearly all reported that marrying as a child increased the likelihood of experiencing physical violence [ 22 , 38 , 51 , 55 , 60 , 64 , 66 , 71 , 77 ]. A study from Ethiopia found no indication that child marriage had an effect on this outcome but it considered a relatively short time period of 3 months [ 35 ].

Estimates of the effect of child marriage on the experience of sexual violence were much less consistent. Two studies from India came to conflicting conclusions. Raj et al. found that child marriage did not increase the likelihood of experiencing sexual violence at any point or in the year prior to the 2005-06 National Family Health Survey [ 64 ]. However, a study by Santhya et al. based on survey data collected from five Indian states between 2006 and 2008 found that child marriage did increase the likelihood of ever experiencing sexual violence [ 66 ]. Studies from Bangladesh and Ghana reported that women who married as children were no more or less likely to experience sexual violence than those who married at later ages [ 60 , 71 ]. Two studies that pooled DHS data across multiple countries also found mixed results [ 22 , 53 ]. Olamijuwon used data from 18 African countries and found that child marriage increased the odds of experiencing sexual violence in Central, East, and Southern Africa, but there was no evidence of a statistical relationship in West Africa [ 53 ]. Kidman used DHS data from 34 countries across the globe and reported that child marriage seemed to increase the odds of experiencing sexual violence in the year prior to the surveys in all included geographic regions except Europe and Central Asia [ 22 ]. Erulkar found that women who married as children in Ethiopia were more likely to report that their first sexual experience was forced [ 35 ].

Only two studies, one from Pakistan and one from Ghana, considered emotional violence as a stand-alone outcome. Both concluded the child marriage led to an increase in the likelihood of ever experiencing emotional violence from an intimate partner [ 51 , 71 ].

Five studies considered only combined outcomes that mixed indicators of physical and sexual violence [ 62 , 70 ], or physical, sexual, and emotional violence [ 23 , 29 , 42 ]. All of these found that child marriage was associated with increased reporting of these composite measures of violence, but some results were sensitive to the sample used and were inconsistent across locations [ 70 ]. Hong Le et al. considered whether child marriage affected the likelihood of violence among boys but was underpowered to detect any effect [ 42 ].

Child marriage and mental health

Five of the studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on various aspects of mental health. These studies relied on cross-sectional data collected from Ghana, Iran, Ethiopia, Niger and the United States [ 21 , 32 , 36 , 44 , 45 ]. Women in the United States who married before the age of 18 were more likely to report experiencing a wide range of mood, anxiety, and other psychiatric disorders in adulthood when compared to those who married at later ages [ 21 ]. The authors of a small study from a single county in Iran found that women who married as children reported more depressive symptoms than those who married at the age of 18 or older [ 36 ]. John, Edmeades, and Murithi examined the relationship between child marriage and multiple domains of psychological well-being in Niger and Ethiopia [ 44 ]. The authors found that marriage before the age of 16 was correlated with poorer overall psychological well-being, but no evidence that marriage between the ages of 16 and 17 was associated with poorer outcomes when compared to women who married at the age of 18 or later [ 44 ]. In Ghana, child marriage seemed to protect against measures of stress. The Ghanaian study also found no indication of differences in levels of social support between women who married before the age of 18 and those who married after their 18th birthdays, though these odds ratio estimates were very imprecise [ 32 ].

Child marriage and nutritional status

Six studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on indicators of nutritional status [ 28 , 34 , 52 , 61 , 76 , 78 ]. Four focused exclusively on pregnant women. Two studies from Ethiopia examined the relationship between child marriage and mid-upper arm circumference (MUAC) [ 52 , 76 ]. One reported that pregnant women who married before the age of 18 were more likely to have an MUAC less than 22 cm, often interpreted as a marker of undernutrition [ 84 , 85 ], compared to those who married later on [ 52 ]. The other found that marrying before the age of 15 increased the likelihood of MUAC <22 cm but no evidence that marrying between the ages of 15 and 17 affected this outcome [ 76 ]. A third study from Ethiopia reported that child marriage led to an increase in the prevalence of Vitamin A deficiency among pregnant or recently post-partum women [ 28 ].

Two other studies focused on women who were not pregnant and used body mass index (BMI) as the indicator of nutritional status [ 34 , 78 ]. Their results diverge. Yusuf et al. found that women in Nigeria who married as children were more likely to have a BMI less than 18.5, frequently interpreted as underweight among adults. However, in a study of 35 African countries, Efevbera et al. reported that child marriage was protective against being underweight (BMI<18.5) [ 44 ]. Interestingly, the authors of these studies offered plausible explanations for effects in either direction. Efevbera et al. hypothesize that girls who marry as children may gain access to more plentiful food at an earlier age and that repeated pregnancies during adolescence might result in greater weight gain relative to those who marry at later ages [ 34 ]. In contrast, Nigatu et al. note that repeat pregnancies in quick succession may have a detrimental impact on cumulative nutritional status [ 52 ]. This suggests that the mechanisms through which age at marriage may affect subsequent nutritional status have not been thoroughly considered.

Other health consequences of child marriage

A few of the studies included in our review examined outcomes other than those discussed above. We note them briefly here. A case-control study from India reported that women diagnosed with cervical cancer were more likely to have been married before the age of 18 [ 72 ]. A large, pooled analysis of DHS data from 47 countries reported that child marriage was associated with symptoms of sexually transmitted infections [ 23 ]. A small, cross-sectional study from a single Indian state found no evidence that child marriage led to an increase in the odds of obstetric fistula [ 68 ]. A third study from India examined the effect of child marriage on the odds of experiencing at least one complication during pregnancy, delivery, or within two months after delivery [ 57 ]. Marriage before the age of 15 seemed to increase the likelihood of pregnancy complications, but there was no evidence of an effect for marriage between 15 and 17 years. Child marriage was not associated with delivery complications, but was associated with postnatal complications [ 57 ]. A study from Ghana found no indication that child marriage influenced the likelihood of self-reported poor health, of being ill in the two weeks prior to the survey, or of having a health insurance card but did report that child marriage increased the odds of having difficulty with activities of daily living, such as bending or walking [ 32 ].

Our systematic review synthesized research on the health consequences of marrying before the age of 18. Studies almost uniformly found that women who married before the age of 18 began having children of their own at earlier ages and gave birth to more children over the course of their reproductive lives when compared to those who married at the age of 18 or later. Whether these outcomes, considered alone, are harmful to health is not clear. Though there are many reasons to be concerned about adolescent childbearing, none of the studies of the effect of child marriage on the timing of births considered whether those pregnancies were planned or desired or whether they resulted in obstetric complications or maternal morbidity or mortality [ 23 , 26 , 31 , 32 , 34 , 39 , 46 , 50 , 63 , 75 ]. Similarly, having multiple births, especially at short intervals, may increase the risk of obstetric complications and subsequent morbidity or mortality. However, studies that compared the number of children born to women who married before the age of 18 with the number born to those who married at later ages also did not measure whether those pregnancies were planned or whether they led to harm [ 24 , 25 , 30 , 34 , 37 , 46 , 50 , 54 , 63 , 69 , 75 ]. Rather, studies seemed to assume that these are negative outcomes without directly measuring intentions or harms.

A separate set of studies that estimated the effect of child marriage on the experience of mistimed or unwanted pregnancies came to divergent conclusions: some found that child marriage increased the likelihood of these outcomes but others found that child marriage protected against them or had no effect. Studies of whether child marriage affected the likelihood of obstetric complications, miscarriage or stillbirth did not consider maternal age when those events occurred [ 39 , 47 , 48 , 50 , 57 , 63 , 66 , 75 ]. Moreover, the fact that child marriage corresponds with a larger number of pregnancies means that girls who married prior to the age of 18 had more opportunities to experience these events compared to those who married later; this was not discussed in any of the studies we identified.

The results of studies in other outcome domains are very mixed and challenge some common narratives regarding child marriage. To illustrate, studies included in this review came to conflicting conclusions regarding whether child marriage increases or decreases the use of modern contraception, the likelihood of giving birth within the first year of marriage, and the likelihood of repeated childbirth within two years. Conclusions regarding mistimed and unwanted pregnancies were also mixed, as noted above. Collectively, these results suggest that child marriage is not uniformly characterized by an inability to control the number or timing of births and suggests that a more cautious approach to discussions of agency within these marriages is warranted, at least regarding fertility and fertility control.

Across studies, women who married as children were less likely to give birth in a health care facility or with assistance from a skilled health care provider. These findings raise concerns about access to emergency obstetric care and subsequent birth outcomes for both mother and child. However, we found only one study that estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of complications during pregnancy, delivery, and the postpartum period [ 57 ] and consideration of the consequences for the infants born was beyond the scope of this review. This statistical relationship could be confounded by lack of access due to geographic distance. Child marriage is more common in rural areas, where health care facilities and skilled health care providers may be more spread out. It may also be a function of gender inequality, which may manifest as an inability to seek care without permission. Future research should consider the potential for confounding by these and other variables and investigate whether place modifies this relationship.

Child marriage could plausibly affect many aspects of maternal and reproductive health through complex causal pathways. However, most of the studies included in our review did not discuss causal mechanisms in detail, which may have hindered their ability to identify and account for various sources of bias. More thorough consideration and discussion of these mechanisms would strengthen the theoretical underpinnings of this body of literature and help mitigate biases. For example, use of Directed Acyclic Graphs to illustrate assumed causal relationships would help to clarify the causal pathways being studied and identify sources of bias [ 86 ].

The effects of child marriage among boys have been almost entirely overlooked. Only 2 of the 58 studies included in this review considered boys or men and one of them was underpowered to generate informative estimates [ 42 ]. This intense focus on child marriage among girls reflects the gendered nature of the practice. However, a substantial proportion of boys also marry before the age of 18 in some countries [ 7 , 24 ] and further inquiry into the health consequences among boys is warranted.

The geographic distribution of research on child marriage and health is highly skewed. The focus on South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa may be justified since these regions have some of the highest rates of child marriage in the world. However, it is unclear why just three countries, India, Bangladesh, and Ethiopia, have received such focused attention while other countries in these regions have received very little. Child marriage is certainly ongoing in many other regions of the world that have received little or no research attention, including high-income countries [ 9 , 87 , 88 ].

The geographic distribution of these studies and the range of outcomes considered is clearly reflective of heavy reliance on the DHS. The DHS is appealing because it collects information on age at marriage that is comparable across settings and over time, data are readily accessible and of high quality, and samples are typically nationally representative. However, defaulting to this data source may also have restricted the range of outcomes studied. The DHS focuses primarily on reproductive health and our review included many studies of the effect of child marriage on fertility, contraceptive use, and intimate partner violence. Far less attention has been paid to other potential harms of child marriage that are not included in the surveys, such as indicators of mental health. Importantly, the DHS does not collect information on some of the strongest confounders of many relationships between child marriage and health, including childhood socioeconomic conditions and measures of gender equality. Other data sources will be necessary to increase the geographic scope of this body of research and to overcome some of the limitations inherent in the use of cross-sectional data to estimate causal effects.

All studies included in our review were at serious to critical risk of bias. Quantification of the net magnitude of different biases on the results of each study would have made the project untenable. Considering pervasive bias, we avoided interpreting the magnitude of reported estimates from individual studies and instead took only the directionality of the estimates at face value. This allowed us to assess the (in)consistency of conclusions within domains of health. However, it is entirely possible that bias could lead to a reversal of effects, i.e., estimating a positive effect when the true effect is negative or vice versa. The bias in these studies means that it is unclear whether any of the relationships described are causal.

Nearly all studies included in our review relied on cross-sectional data. There are severe limitations to using cross-sectional research designs to estimate causal effects, and more rigorous designs are needed to further our understanding of the consequences of child marriage. Quasi-experimental designs that more effectively mitigate confounding would strengthen this body of literature and have already been used to study the effect of child marriage on educational attainment and literacy. For example, Field and Ambrus and Sunder used age at menarche as an instrumental variable to study the effect of child marriage on these outcomes [ 3 , 4 ]. Encouragement trials that randomly assign exposure to interventions meant to prevent child marriage could also be used to estimate the effects of child marriage on health outcomes, though such trials are more resource intensive to conduct [ 89 ]. However, given that the DHS and other cross-sectional data sources will likely continue to be used to investigate these relationships, the use of quantitative bias analyses to examine how sensitive estimates are to various sources of bias would be an improvement [ 90 ].

There are several limitations to this systematic review. First, to capture as wide a range of health outcomes as possible, we searched databases focused on human health and biomedicine. Relevant studies from other academic disciplines such as economics and sociology may have been missed using this approach. Second, our search was conducted in English and all included studies were published in English. Eligible studies published in other languages may have been missed, which could influence our conclusions regarding the geographic distribution of research. Finally, as noted in the introduction, child marriage may have consequences beyond the domain of health. We focused our systematic review on the health consequences of child marriage in response to growing rhetoric regarding child marriage as a population health concern. Rigorous systematic reviews of the effect of child marriage on educational and economic outcomes would be a valuable addition to the literature.

Availability of data and materials

The PROSPERO protocol and the data extraction form are publicly available through the Open Science Foundation at https://osf.io/32mu7/ .

Abbreviations

Body Mass Index

Cross-Sectional

Directed Acyclic Graph

Demographic and Health Surveys

Mid-Upper Arm Circumference

Risk Of Bias In Non-randomised Studies - of Interventions tool

Socio-Economic Status

United Nations Population Fund

United Nations Children’s Fund

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Acknowledgements

We thank Genevieve Gore at the McGill University Library for her assistance in developing the search terms used in this review.

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SF and AK were responsible for the study conception and design. SF conducted database searches. SF and AK screened eligible studies and extracted data from included studies. SF and AK conducted the analysis, interpreted the results, and collaboratively wrote the manuscript. SF prepared the tables and figures. AK supervised the study. The author(s) read and approved the final manuscript.

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Correspondence to Alissa Koski .

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Fan, S., Koski, A. The health consequences of child marriage: a systematic review of the evidence. BMC Public Health 22 , 309 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-022-12707-x

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Child Marriage: A Silent Health and Human Rights Issue

Marriages in which a child under the age of 18 years is involved occur worldwide, but are mainly seen in South Asia, Africa, and Latin America. A human rights violation, child marriage directly impacts girls’ education, health, psychologic well-being, and the health of their offspring. It increases the risk for depression, sexually transmitted infection, cervical cancer, malaria, obstetric fistulas, and maternal mortality. Their offspring are at an increased risk for premature birth and, subsequently, neonatal or infant death. The tradition, driven by poverty, is perpetuated to ensure girls’ financial futures and to reinforce social ties. One of the most effective methods of reducing child marriage and its health consequences is mandating that girls stay in school.

Child marriage, defined as marriage of a child under 18 years of age, is a silent and yet widespread practice. Today, over 60 million marriages include girls under the age of 18 years: approximately 31 million in South Asia, 14 million in sub-Saharan Africa, and 6.6 million in Latin America and the Caribbean ( Figure 1 ). Each day, 25,000 girls are married and an anticipated 100 million girls will be married in 2012. 1 Over 60% of girls are married under the age of 18 in some sub-Saharan countries and Bangladesh, and 40% to 60% of girls undergo child marriage in India ( Figure 2 ).

Number of women aged 20–24 who were married or in union before age 18, by region (2006). CEE/CIS, Central and Eastern Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States. Reproduced with permission from United Nations Children’s Fund. Progress for Children: A World Fit for Children Statistical Review. New York: UNICEF; 2007. http://www.unicef.org/publications/files/Progress_for_Children_No_6_revised.pdf .

Percentage of women aged 20–24 who were married or in union before age 18 (1987–2006). Reproduced with permission from United Nations Children’s Fund. Progress for Children: A World Fit for Children Statistical Review. New York: UNICEF; 2007. http://www.unicef.org/publications/files/Progress_for_Children_No_6_revised.pdf .

Child marriage has been referred to as early marriage or child brides , but these terms are not optimal. Early marriage does not imply that children are involved, and the term is vague because an early marriage for one society may be considered late by another. The term child brides glorifies the tradition by portraying an image of joy and celebration. Most of these marriages are arranged by parents, and girls rarely meet their future husband before the wedding. The girls know that after the wedding they will move to their husband’s household, become the responsibility of their in-laws, and might not see their own family or friends for some time.

Although child marriage includes boys, most children married under the age of 18 years are girls. In Mali, the ratio of married girls to boys is 72:1; in Kenya, it is 21:1; in Indonesia, it is 7.5:1; in Brazil, it is 6:1; and even in the United States, the ratio is 8:1. 2 – 4

Human and Children’s Rights

The United Nations and other international agencies have declared that child marriage violates human rights and children’s rights. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that individuals must enter marriage freely with full consent and must be at full age. In 1979, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women stated that child marriage is illegal. In 1989, the Convention on the Rights of the Child defined children as persons under the age of 18 years. Many countries passed laws changing the legal age of marriage to 18 years, but enforcement of these laws, and of laws requiring marriages to be registered, is weak. 5 For example, although the legal age of marriage is 18 years, in Mali 65% of girls are married at a younger age; in Mozambique, it is 57%; and in India, it is 50% ( Figure 3 ). In some parts of Ethiopia, although the legal age of marriage is 15 years, 50% of younger girls are married, and in Mali, 39% of younger girls are married. Furthermore, in some regions, an arranged marriage occurs at birth. 6

(A) Percentage of girls (aged 15–19 years) who are currently married. (B) Percentage of women aged 20 to 24 years married before age 18. Reproduced with permission from Mathur S, Greene M, Malhotra A. Too Young to Wed: The Lives, Rights, and Health of Young Married Girls. Washington, DC: International Center for Research on Women; 2003. http://www.icrw.org/docs/tooyoungtowed_1003.pdf .

Factors Driving Child Marriage

Three main forces drive child marriages: poverty, the need to reinforce social ties, and the belief that it offers protection. Child marriage is predominantly seen in areas of poverty. Parents are faced with 2 economic incentives: to ensure their daughter’s financial security and to reduce the economic burden daughters place on the family.

Child marriage is first and foremost a product of sheer economic need. Girls are costly to feed, clothe, and educate, and they eventually leave the household. Marriage brings a dowry to the bride’s family. The younger the girl, the higher the dowry, and the sooner the economic burden of raising the girl is lifted.

By marrying their daughter to a “good” family, parents also establish social ties between tribes or clans and improve their social status. Parents also believe that marrying their daughters young protects them from rape, premarital sexual activity, unintended pregnancies, and sexually transmitted infections, especially human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and AIDS. 5

Health Consequences of Child Marriage

Isolation and depression.

Once married, girls are taken to their husband’s household, where they assume the role of wife, domestic worker, and, eventually, mother. These new homes can be in a different village or town. Because of the high dowry paid, husbands are usually much older than the girls (and thus have little in common with them) and their new brides are expected to reproduce. Polygamy may also be acceptable in some of these regions. As a result, the girls feel rejected, isolated, and depressed. Some girls realize that survival requires embracing their new environment and proving their fertility. They lose their childhood and miss the opportunity to play, develop friendships, and be educated.

Risk of Sexually Transmitted Infection and Cervical Cancer

Parents believe that marrying their daughters early protects them from HIV/AIDS. Research has shown the opposite: marriage by the age of 20 years is a risk factor for HIV infection in girls. 7 In Kenya, married girls are 50% more likely than unmarried girls to become infected with HIV. In Zambia, the risk is even higher (59%). And in Uganda, the HIV prevalence rate of married girls and single girls between the ages of 15 and 19 years is 89% and 66%, respectively. Their husbands infected these girls. Because the girls try to prove their fertility, they had high-frequency, unprotected intercourse with their husbands. Their older husbands had prior sexual partners or were polygamous. In addition, the girls’ virginal status and physical immaturity increase the risk of HIV transmission secondary to hymenal, vaginal, or cervical lacerations. 5 Other sexually transmitted infections, such as herpes simplex virus type 2, gonorrhea, and chlamydia, are also more frequently transmitted and enhance the girls’ vulnerability to HIV. Research demonstrates that child marriage also increases the risk of human papillomavirus transmission and cervical cancer. 8

Risks During Pregnancy

Pregnant girls in malaria regions were found to be at higher risk for infection. Of the 10.5 million girls and women who become infected with malaria, 50% die. Their highest risk is during their first pregnancy. Pregnancy not only increases the risk of acquiring malaria, but pregnant girls under the age of 19 have a significantly higher malaria density than pregnant women over the age of 19. 9 They are also at significant risk of malaria-related complications such as severe anemia, pulmonary edema, and hypoglycemia.

Rates of HIV and malaria coinfection are highest in Central African Republic, Malawi, Mozambique, Zambia, and Zimbabwe, where more than 90% of the population is exposed to malaria and more than 10% are HIV positive. Having both diseases complicates the management and treatment of each. HIV-infected patients have a higher likelihood of getting a more severe form of the malaria parasite, Plasmodium falciparum . They are less likely to respond as well to antimalaria medication. Malaria increases HIV viral load and increases the mother-to-child HIV transmission rate. Data demonstrate that the combination of these diseases proves deadly to the young pregnant mother. 10

Risks During Labor and Delivery

Deliveries from child marriages are “too soon, too close, too many, or too late.” 11 Forty-five percent of girls in Mali, 42% in Uganda, and 25% in Ethiopia have given birth by the age of 18. In Western nations, the rates are 1% in Germany, 2% in France, and 10% in the United States ( Figure 4 ). Girls between the ages of 10 and 14 years are 5 to 7 times more likely to die in childbirth; girls between the ages of 15 and 19 years are twice as likely. 12 High death rates are secondary to eclampsia, postpartum hemorrhage, sepsis, HIV infection, malaria, and obstructed labor. Girls aged 10 to 15 years have small pelvises and are not ready for childbearing. Their risk for obstetric fistula is 88%. 13

Percentage of women, aged 20 to 24 years, married and giving birth by age 18. Reproduced with permission from Mathur S, Greene M, Malhotra A. Too Young to Wed: The Lives, Rights, and Health of Young Married Girls. Washington, DC: International Center for Research on Women; 2003. http://www.icrw.org/docs/tooyoungtowed_1003.pdf .

Risks for Infants

Mothers under the age of 18 have a 35% to 55% higher risk of delivering a preterm or low-birthweight infant than mothers older than 19 years. The infant mortality rate is 60% higher when the mother is under the age of 18 years. Data demonstrate that even after surviving the first year, children younger than 5 years had a 28% higher mortality rate in the young mothers cohort. 14 This morbidity and mortality is due to the young mothers’ poor nutrition, physical and emotional immaturity, lack of access to social and reproductive services, and higher risk for infectious diseases.

Disheartening as this information may be, there is encouraging news. Data show that in countries where poverty has decreased, such as Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand, the incidence of child marriage has also declined.

Media attention raises awareness of the issue and can prompt change. After a highly publicized story in 2008, in which a 10-year-old Yemeni girl fled her husband 2 months after being married and successfully obtained a divorce, Yemen increased the legal age for marriage from 15 to 18 years. More importantly, numerous children, inspired by this case, have sued for divorce. 15

Research has long enforced the importance of education for girls and their families. Child marriage truncates girls’ childhood, stops their education, and impacts their health and the health of their infants. Governmental and nongovernmental policies aimed at educating the community, raising awareness, engaging local and religious leaders, involving parents, and empowering girls through education and employment can help stop child marriage. Programs that have shown success are those that give families financial incentives to keep their daughters in school, those that feed children during school hours so parents do not have to bear that responsibility, and those that promise employment once girls have completed their schooling. 1 Education not only delays marriage, pregnancy, and childbearing, but school-based sex education can be effective in changing the awareness, attitudes, and practices leading to risky sexual behavior in marriage.

Main Points

• Over 60 million marriages include a girl under the age of 18 years.
• The main forces that drive child marriage are poverty, the need to reinforce social ties, and the belief that marriage at an early age protects girls from rape, unintended pregnancy, and sexually transmitted infection.
• Marriage before the age of 18 increases the rate of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infection in girls.
• High death rates during pregnancy are secondary to eclampsia, postpartum hemorrhage, sepsis, HIV infections, and obstructed labor. The infant mortality rate is 60% higher when the mother is under the age of 18 years.
• Education not only delays marriage, pregnancy, and childbearing, but school-based sex education can be effective in changing the awareness, attitudes, and practices leading to risky sexual behavior in marriage.

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Essay on Child Marriage in India

List of essays on child marriage in india, essay on child marriage in india – short essay (essay 1 – 150 words), essay on child marriage in india (essay 2 – 250 words), essay on child marriage in india – written in english (essay 3 – 300 words), essay on child marriage in india – causes, effects and prevention (essay 4 – 400 words), essay on child marriage in india – for school students (class 7, 8, 9 and 10 standard) (essay 5 – 500 words), essay on child marriage in india – facts (essay 6 – 600 words), essay on child marriage in india – for college and university students (essay 7 – 750 words), essay on child marriage in india – long essay for competitive exams like ias, ips and upsc (essay 8 – 1000 words).

Child marriage in India is still a prevalent practice. So far, we can’t seem to overcome the dark reality of child marriage in India. In a layman’s language, child marriage in India means involving a boy and girl to get into the marital bond, with or without their consent.

Audience: The below given essays are exclusively written for school students (Class 7, 8, 9 and 10 standard) and college students. Furthermore, those students preparing for competitive exams like IAS, IPS, Civil Services and UPSC can also increase their knowledge by reading these essays.

Child marriage in India is one of the most baffling of all problems which the Indian society faces. There was a time when most children were married at a very premature age. There have been several instances wherein children less than 10 years of age got married. They barely understood the meaning of marriage and yet they were tied to a bond they could do nothing about.

Causes of Child Marriage in India:

In earlier times, Child marriage in India was an age old tradition. Some of the many other causes of Child Marriage in India include poverty, illiteracy, social pressure, etc.

The Perils of Child Marriage in India:

Of course, child marriage in India is filled with too many perils. A lot of innocent lives were lost and children who should be taught the basics of education ended up being chained to family pressure. This affected the children mentally as well as physically.

The Remedial Measures:

The right thing to do is to create awareness about this issue. If we want to solve the problem of child marriage in India, we should educate both parents and children and encourage them to be independent first and then look for a partner only after attaining a certain age. Laws should also be put in place in order to get rid of this social issue.

Conclusion:

Children of today are the future of tomorrow. They must be provided with proper education in order to build a strong nation. It’s time to put an end to Child Marriage in India.

Introduction:

Child Marriage in India basically originated to prevent the girl child from being taken away by the conquerors of the nation. Child Marriage means that a girl or a boy gets betrothed to her partner even as a child purely at the consent of the parents. Even though the lawful age for a person to be married is set at 18 by UNICEF, it is not practiced in many places.

Reasons & Consequences:

Two primary reasons for Child Marriages in India is lack of education and poverty . The appalling consequences of child marriages include pregnancy- related deaths , child mothers not able to provide proper infant care, subjected to domestic violence .

Government & Laws:

Although there were laws in existence since 1929 to protect children from Child Marriages in India, it is unfortunate that “Allowance of Child Marriages without police Intervention” is being announced as Election promises in this Country. Every Citizen in this country has a role to protect and uphold the future citizens, the now Children. Many Government programs such as ApniBeti, Apna Dhan (ABAD), which translates to “My daughter, My wealth,” focus on delaying the Child marriages in India. Balika Vadhu one of the most watched melo-drama, showcased how Child Marriages are a bane to human race and the country.

As a dutiful citizen, each of us should make the children understand their human rights . Create awareness and give the child appropriate contact information to seek contacts when their cry of refusal is denied ears. This would therefore abolish child marriage in India and create a safe environment to nurture the future of the country.

Marriage is a very responsible and sacred way of uniting two people who are matured and ready to accept each other. But child marriage in India is something that is a really unethical way of uniting people, who are not only immature but also does not understand the real responsibility behind the phenomenon.

Indian law has assigned a minimum age of eighteen for girls and twenty-one for boys to legally get married. This law was passed due to the increased reporting of child marriages in India. While at one side everyone is trying to make the most out of our nation’s growth, at the other side it is too much annoying to think how children are getting mislead to lead a responsible life at their childhood.

Mainly girl children are forced to fall into child marriage in India as they are discriminated in the society because of their gender. Child marriages in India were considered by parents as a way of saving their child from abuses and other difficulties they face from the outside world. But on the other hand child marriage in India is a real spoiler of a kid’s childhood. They get on with handling more responsibilities than they even know about and many cases have been reported against this child marriage in India.

They are forced to live a life they don’t have any idea about due to this inhuman child marriage in India. The girl child is made to move out of her own house at such a young age due to child marriage in India, and live completely among strangers. She is forced to do all the household chores and other more difficult responsibilities. Child marriage in India ruins a child’s life.

Domestic violence and forced sexual abuses are also major problems due to child marriage in India. Not only girls but boys are also forced for such inhumanity. Child marriage in India is more dominant in rural areas where proper education and awareness should be spread to stop this cruelty.

Child Marriage in India is a centuries old tradition. When the 1921 census reported 600 brides in the age group of one to twelve months, Mahatma Gandhi was shocked. He became instrumental in introducing the Sarda Act or the Child Marriage Restraint Act in 1929. That was the first step taken against child marriage in India. It fixed the age of marriage for girls at 14 years and boys at 18 years. Since then many reformers and stakeholders have been advocating against child marriage in India.

Since bygone days, the dignity and reputation of families in India were heavily dependent on the chastity of their daughters. To uphold the honour, child marriage in India was prevalent at a tender age before puberty.

Due to poverty, many poor parents wished to see off their daughters through marriage at early years. Some even received monetary benefits from the groom’s family in lieu of marriage. Further, poor families also found it cheaper to conduct child marriages than adult marriages.

So, the various reasons for child marriage in India include tradition, poverty, illiteracy and social pressures.

The victims of child marriage in India are often uneducated. They do not have a broad view of their life with respect to the world. So, they often tend to pass this tradition to future generations, out of ignorance.

Due to the early marriage, these children often experience unprecedented responsibilities, suffer discontinuation of education, deterioration of health etc. Since they are physically and psychologically not ready for a married life, their childhood is frustrated with hardships of life.

Prevention:

The latest effort to prevent child marriage in India is the landmark judgment of the Supreme Court in October 2017. All along, men who raped their minor wives were protected by the law. But, according this latest judgment, sexual act with a child bride has been criminalised. This is a definite step to curb child marriage in India.

Since 2014, it has become mandatory to register marriages in order to prevent child marriage in India. The public has been encouraged to report child marriages and non-registered marriages in order to keep violations in check.

Various sensitization programs are carried out to educate the parents and the public against child marriage in India.

UNICEF sees child marriage practice as violation of human rights. One of United Nations’ sustainable goals is to eradicate child marriage in the world by 2030. Studies indicate that more than 40% child marriages of the world, happen in India. So, the International community expects a radical change in India than any other country. With dreams to become a superpower in the near future, it has become imperative to put an end to child marriage in India.

India is surging on its way to become a superpower, but it is a startling reality that an age old evil practice called child marriage still prevails in the country. India has the second highest number of child marriages according to a United Nations report. According to the statistics the State of Bihar has the highest incidence of child marriage at 68% followed by Rajasthan and Jharkhand.

Causes of Child Marriage:

According to the law in India marriageable age is18 years for girls and 21 years for boys. Child marriage in India should be seen as an exploitation of human right. This evil tradition has existed in India for a long time. From the time of the birth of a girl child she was treated as someone else’s property and hence was married at a very tender age. Another social reason to initiate child marriages was that the elders wanted to see the growth of their family with respect to the number of children as it characterized their status. Poor people practiced child marriage to get rid of their loans, taxes, whereas some people instigated it to fetch lump sum dowry.

Impact of Child Marriage:

Child marriage in India imposes huge household responsibilities, especially on innocent girl children who are not mentally and physically prepared for it. Boys who are still minors are forced to bear critical financial responsibilities and the whole family. Child marriage in India snatches the innocent childhood and the freedom to play and learn from these kids. This evil practice incubates a greater risk of contracting sexual diseases like HIV. Girls who get married at a very young age are less likely to be aware about pregnancy and correlated topics. A baby born to such mother is more likely to suffer from ailments like malnutrition.

Prevention of Child Marriages in India:

The Indian Constitution and Law prohibit Child Marriage in India in any shape or form. The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006 eradicate the flaws in previously present laws. The act strictly prohibits the marriage of a girl under eighteen years of age and a boy below twenty-one years of age. Under this law, the children have the choice to declare their marriage as annulled up to two years of reaching adulthood. Apparently, a major shortcoming of the law is that it doesn’t cover the Muslims, as this law is binding to all citizens of India. A foremost hindrance in curbing the evil practice is that most of these marriages are not registered and are carried out informally.

Marriage is a sacred union between two mature individuals who are in consensus with each other to share responsibilities and take care of each other for a lifetime. Child Marriages happen to be an illogical institution that has prevailed in the country, despite all the development and growth that the country has witnessed over the time. It needs to be understood that poverty and lack of education are the major factors that undermine the efforts to end this menace. The Government of India and different NGOs’ are working meticulously to spread awareness about child marriage in India. As a responsible citizen of India we must contribute to the fullest to eradicate this evil practise by immediately reporting to the police when one hears of child marriage taking place.

Child marriage in India is a disturbing truth that still exists in the nation. Marriage is an institution in which two mature persons agree to live with each other by sharing their responsibilities equally. But, child marriage in India is totally opposed to it.

What is child marriage in India and its history?

Child marriage in India is an informal or formal wedding amongst two persons in which the male is below 21 years of age and the girl is below 18 years of age. It is also considered as the misuse of civil rights because it is a kind of an involuntary wedding.

There is a long history behind the child marriage in India. It exists from the eras when the empire structure was predominant.

The child marriage in India was also utilized as a weapon to keep the girls safe from rapes and kidnap by foreign sovereigns. One more social motive to start child marriage in India was that the aging people in the families desired to see their grandchildren’s faces before dying.

Effects of Child Marriage In India:

The following are the effects of child marriage in India:

1. During child marriage in India, the immature girl kid needs to leave her home forcefully and have to live in a new home with lots of responsibilities. At such a small age, the girl who is not mentally mature has to take the huge responsibilities of the home.

2. Child marriage in India also results in a depression in the kids. Besides the girl child, the male child is also not so much capable of taking full responsibility of her wife and also the expenses of running a family.

3. Childhood gets vanished at the time of child marriage in India. In fact, the independence of playing and learning is also stolen in the practice.

4. There are extreme risk aspects that are associated with child marriage in India, such as, getting STDs (sexually transmitted diseases) like HIV. Girl child does not have much knowledge about pregnancy and babies of these small girls are more probable to health issues like low birth weights malnutrition, etc.

How to spread social awareness about Child Marriage in India?

The following steps should be taken to spread social awareness about child marriage in India:

1. Children have to be taught regarding their civil rights. They should know that when to decline and protest against the forceful child marriage.

2. Media can also play an important role in making people aware of child marriage in India. They can telecast some television programs or shows about this monstrous ritual which can create a massive change in the attitude of the people.

3. There should be strict laws and legal provision against the child marriage in India that can stop this evil from occurring. People indulging in such marriages should be punished reasonably by the law.

4. Government organizations and NGOs should work together to decelerate the practice of child marriage in India.

5. The current provision of punishment for child marriage in India is a few months along with some amount of fine which is completely insufficient. The severity of punishment should also increase to tackle this problem.

6. There should be an appointment of officers for the anti-child wedding in every single Indian State. There should be a rule that anybody who appears in child marriage in India must inform about it to the concerning officer for stopping this disaster to happen.

Child marriage in India should be abolished and this can only be done if people become aware of the massive consequences of this evil. Child marriage not only spoils the childhood of the kids but also their coming future.

As per Indian law, a girl before the age of 18 and a boy before the age of 21 are not considered eligible to marry. Any such disobedience is considered as child marriage and is regarded as unlawful and is a punishable offence. However, the law of terming child marriage as a punishable offence is relatively new with having come into existence just a few years before India gained independence from the British rule. Prior to it, child marriage was an accepted social practice prevalent in almost all parts of the country.

Historical Reference of Child Marriage:

The origin of the practice of child marriage is not known, though it is believed to have been commonly practised across the world before the 19 th century. Girls, as soon as they attained puberty were required to be married off. This finds a reference in the Dharamsatra as well. Additionally, there is a mention in Manusmriti that it is an offence on part of the parents to marry off a girl before she has attained puberty or if it has been more than three years after she has attained puberty. Similarly, a boy is required to be married off before he attained the age of 16 years.

Association of Dowry with Child Marriage:

The offering of gifts and wealth to the groom’s family by the bride’s family is called dowry. It has long been associated with child marriage in India. A common practice across all religions in India, it is often correlated to the age of the bride. In other words, more the age of the bride, more the demand of the dowry will be. This fear of more dowry has led to more prevalence of child marriage in India. Additionally, poverty has also been a major factor driving people towards child marriage.

Child Marriage Laws in India:

The first law against the child marriage in India came during the British rule. In the year 1929, the then British Government came up with the Child Marriage Restraint Act, which was later referred to as the Sarda Act. This law prohibited the marriage of boys under the age of 21 years and girls under the age of 18 years. Except for some states such as Jammu and Kashmir and Hyderabad, this act was enacted upon the entire country on 1 April 1930. Initially, the act proposed an imprisonment of up to three months in case of disobedience which was further amended in the years 1940 and 1978.

The Child Marriage Restraint act had some shortcomings. These shortcomings were addressed with the introduction of the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act in the year 2006. Under this law, the boys and the girls forced into marriage were provided with the option of terming their marriage as void and the dowry so given was returned to the bride’s family.

Initiatives by the Government:

According to the information of the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), an aggregate number of 169, 222 and 280 cases have been enlisted under the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act (PCMA), 2006 in the year 2012, 2013 and 2014 individually.

As per the information provided by the Government in the Lok Sabha, it is concerned about the pervasiveness of Child Marriages in the nation and has set up essential enactment viz. Prohibition of Child Marriage Act (PCMA) 2006 to handle the issue. The States/UTs now and again is as a rule routinely sought after for compelling usage of the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006. Further, State Governments are asked to take the unique activity to postpone marriage by facilitated endeavours on Akha Teejthe customary day for such marriages. Advertisements in the press and electronic media instructing people groups about the issue of Child Marriage and so forth are additionally being taken up. Stages, for example, the International Women’s Day and the National Girl Child Day are utilized to make mindfulness on issues identified with ladies and to convey to the inside stage issues, for example, kid marriage. Through the Sabla program of this Ministry, girls in the age gathering of 11 to 18 years are conferred preparing with respect to legitimate privileges of women which additionally incorporates the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006.

Not all practices prevalent in the society were meant to benefit the people. Some of them need to be changed with time. Child Marriage is one such practice which should be stopped altogether. However, this cannot be possible only by enacting laws. The people of the country should equally support the government and oppose whenever they encounter such practices. Then only we can be successful in abolishing this practice altogether throughout the country.

Child Marriage Concept:

However, that is not the only case for child marriage in India. Most of the time, a minor girl is married off to an adult male. Such incidences are plenty and fall under the category of child marriage in India. And though most child marriages in India take place in villages, their occurrence in the urban areas cannot be denied.

In technical terms, if the girl is below eighteen years and the boy is below twenty-one years of age, then, their marriage would be considered a child marriage in India. It is believed that the youngsters below the respective ages are not mature enough.

In the case of child marriage in India, both the candidates can neither understand, give a genuine viewpoint, nor make a decision on the serious matter of marriage. Hence, such wedlock is regarded as child marriage in India. The practice of child marriage in India is highest in Bihar and lowest in Himachal Pradesh.

Factors Responsible:

Child marriage in India is practiced mostly in the rural parts of the country. There are many important factors which contribute to the existence of child marriage in India. Preference of boys over girls among rural people causes them to see the female child as a burden. Consequently, parents often marry off their daughters at an early age, resulting in child marriage in India.

Child marriage in India is also related to poverty. As the people in villages and small towns do not have sufficient sources of income, to them, marrying the girl child would mean fewer mouths to feed. Not only that, but child marriage in India also involve selling the minor girl to the groom’s family.

Lack of education has an equal role in child marriage in India. When adults are not well-educated, they are unaware of the severe impacts of child marriage in India. The absence of awareness for the mental, physical, and emotional repercussions of this malpractice leads to the perpetuation of child marriage in India.

Social customs and traditions still define the mindset of particular castes and communities in the society. Child marriage in India has been practiced since the invasion by the Mughals and then the Britishers. It was performed to protect the young girls from abduction and sexual abuses.

Nonetheless, the modern scenario of child marriage in India revolves around the patriarchal system. Girls do not have much say when it comes to their sexual rights and freedom. It is the male who possesses more power in such matters.

Consequences of Child Marriage:

Child marriage in India imposes many untimely hardships upon both girls and boys. The male child has to take up the role of breadwinner for his wife. The female child has to indulge in sex and motherhood, even when she is not prepared for it mentally, physically and psychologically.

In many ways, child marriage in India steals childhood away from the minors. It crushes their dreams and innocence. Child marriage in India has gruesome effects on the mind and body of the girl child. The body of a young girl is not fully developed. She is also vulnerable emotionally. An early marriage disturbs her whole health poorly.

Unwanted and multiple pregnancies suck the life out of her. Sometimes, the painful process of childbirth may also cause the death of the young mother. Miscarriages are common in the young brides. Child marriage in India is the major cause of child mortality.

Even if the childbirth is without any complications, both mother and child suffer from malnutrition and poor weight. Their immunity is low and so, they are more prone to falling sick frequently. The child marriage in India also takes a toll on the girl as they have to carry out all the household works at such a young age.

Obviously, due to child marriage in India, the girl’s basic right to education is violated which ultimately drives her to a hopeless future. Bereaved of education and awareness, the couple has higher chances to acquire sexually transmitted diseases, like AIDS and HIV, etc. They are ill-informed about the use of contraceptives and benefits of family planning.

Dealing with the Issue:

The first step toward ending the child marriage in India is to create awareness through every possible medium. Expectations from the government and official systems are understandable but without the support of the common public, child marriage in India would continue to happen.

Basic level of education for boys and girls should be mandatory because the absence of knowledge is the prime cause of child marriage in India. When our younger generation in the rural areas would be well educated, they would be less likely to fall into the trap of child marriages.

Info-graphic posters, interesting radio advertisements, folk songs, and folklores are quite effective in catching the attention of adults as well as young ones. Academic teachings have very limited use in the personal lives of people. Young ones must be informed of their basic human rights to refuse child marriages and to call it void, if at all.

Spreading awareness through various financial and non-financial campaigns can do wonders to throw off the system of child marriage in India on the root level. Street plays also known as Nukkad Natak , are entertaining ways to educate the rural population about the drawbacks of child marriages.

Enough laws have been made to protect the children from this evil malpractice. The problem is that of effective implementation. Unless and until the system would be prompt in its response, the child marriages in India would be difficult to catch hold of. Both public and NGOs have an essential role to play in the proper functioning of the government system.

Child Marriage , Social Issues

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Essay on Early Marriage

Students are often asked to write an essay on Early Marriage in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Early Marriage

What is early marriage.

Early marriage means two people starting a married life when they are young, often before they are 18 years old. This is common in some cultures and places.

Reasons Behind Early Marriage

Many times, families think marrying their children young is good, maybe for tradition, money, or to keep honor. Sometimes, young people may also want to marry early because they love each other.

Problems with Early Marriage

Marrying young can cause problems. It can stop education and harm health, especially if young girls have babies. It can also lead to more family fights and money issues.

Changing Views

Now, many people and governments say early marriage is not good. They are trying to change laws and teach others about the problems it causes, to help young people wait to marry.

250 Words Essay on Early Marriage

Early marriage is when two people get married before they reach the age at which they are generally considered ready for marriage responsibilities. This age is often 18 or older. When young teenagers or even children are married, it is called early or child marriage.

Many times, early marriages happen because of tradition, culture, or poverty. Families may think marrying off their children young will protect them or help them financially. Some believe it is a way to keep traditions alive or ensure that the young couple grows together in a certain way.

Getting married early can cause a lot of problems. Young couples might not be ready for the big responsibilities that come with marriage, like taking care of a family. They might have to stop going to school and miss out on education and opportunities to grow. Health can also be a big concern, especially if young girls become mothers when their bodies are not ready.

The Impact on Society

When young people marry early, it doesn’t just affect them; it impacts the whole society. They might not be able to contribute much because they missed out on education and skills. This can lead to more poverty and less progress for the community.

Early marriage can limit young people’s futures and hurt their health and society’s growth. It is important for communities to understand these problems and work together to give young people the chance to learn, grow, and make their own choices about marriage.

500 Words Essay on Early Marriage

There are many reasons why early marriage takes place. In some families, it is a tradition that has been passed down for generations. Sometimes, parents think that marrying their children young will protect them or make sure they are taken care of. Other times, families might not have enough money, and marrying off a child can mean one less person to feed or clothe. In some situations, young girls are married to older men because of agreements made between families.

Challenges of Early Marriage

When people marry young, they face many challenges. They might have to stop going to school, which means they won’t get the education they need to find good jobs in the future. They might not be ready for the responsibilities of marriage, like taking care of a home or raising children. This can be very hard for them and can lead to problems in the marriage.

Effects on Society

Early marriage doesn’t just affect the people who get married, but it can also have an impact on society. When many people in a community marry young, it can mean that a lot of people don’t finish school. This can lead to a community where not many people have the skills or knowledge to do certain jobs, which can make it hard for the community to grow and prosper.

What is Being Done?

Many people and organizations around the world are working to stop early marriage. They try to educate communities about the problems it causes and encourage them to let children stay in school longer. Laws are also being made to make it illegal for children to marry before they reach a certain age. These efforts are helping, but there is still a lot of work to be done.

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

Apart from these, you can look at all the essays by clicking here .

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Child Marriage: A Discussion Paper

• November 2015
• Bangladesh Journal of Bioethics 6(2):8
• CC BY-NC-ND 4.0

• North South University Bangladesh

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Essay on Child Marriage for Students in English [Easy Words*]

January 16, 2021 by Sandeep

Essay on Child Marriage: A banned social practice in India where young girls below adolescent age are married off to older men with or without their consent is called child marriage. India has set the record for the 14th highest rate of child marriages globally. Rajasthan, Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka are child marriage hotspots in the country. Poverty, social customs and traditions are the main reasons for the existence of child marriages even today.

Essay on Child Marriage 500 Words in English

Below we have provided Child Marriage Essay in English, suitable for class 6, 7, 8, 9 & 10.

Child marriage is a marriage that takes place either between two children or an adult and a child. In most cases, the adult is a man, and the child is a small girl. Child marriage was common throughout history, but it is still prevalent in developing countries. In a survey, it was found that in countries like Niger and Bangladesh, around 20 percent of the girls under the age of 15 are married. The legal age for marriage in India for women is 18, and for men, it is 21. Many organisations like UNICEF (United Nations Children’s Funds) and CRY (Child Rights and You) are working towards preventing child marriage.

Causes of Child Marriage

Child marriage is sometimes simply followed as a tradition. People follow the practice just because it has been going on from generations in their community. In many countries, there still exists prominent gender inequality. Girls are considered a burden on their family. They are bounded by patriarchal values. Child marriage is more widespread among people who live in poverty . They feel that by marrying their daughter young, they would have one less person to educate, feed and clothe.

Impact of Child Marriage

Child marriage can have serious negative repercussions on the physical as well as the mental health of a girl. It denies her fundamental rights that every person is entitled to include the right to education, the right to rest and leisure and the right to protection from sexual abuse and exploitation. When girls are married young, they are forced to take up household responsibilities. This deprives them of a chance to educate and empower themselves. They remain dependent on their male counterparts throughout their life.

The most physiologically and psychologically draining situation for a young girl is if she attains early motherhood. It is found that girls below the age of 15 who give birth are five times more likely to die during delivery than those who are above the age of 20. The bodies of these girls are not even fully developed and capable of giving birth at such a tender age. This puts the health of the mother and the child in grave danger.

There have been more studies on how child marriage affects young girls and very few on how it distresses young boys. However, two main adverse effects of child marriage on boys are related to education and poverty. As soon as boys get married, they are burdened with the responsibility of supporting their new family. Because of this, they stop their education and take up menial jobs that do not even pay well. This behaves like a vicious cycle of poverty.

Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006

Realising the plight of young brides and grooms, the government of India came out with The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act in the year 2006. Under this act, the legal age to get married is 21 for males and 18 for females. In case an adult is found marrying a girl below the age of 18, he will be severely punished. In cases where two minor children are forcibly married, the punishment will fall upon their parents or legal guardians. Punishment includes a fine up to Rs. 1 Lakh and imprisonment for up to 2 years.

Ways to Prevent Child Marriage

To stop this practice of forced marriage, not only girls, but even their parents should be made aware of the negative consequences that child marriage brings with it. The thinking of parents that a daughter is a burden on the family needs to be changed. This mindset has a very negative impact on the self-esteem of the girl. Girls should be encouraged to make themselves literate and independent. They should be given the opportunity of getting empowered and living life on their own terms.

Marriage Essay for Students and Children

500+ words essay on marriage.

In general, marriage can be described as a bond/commitment between a man and a woman. Also, this bond is strongly connected with love, tolerance, support, and harmony. Also, creating a family means to enter a new stage of social advancement. Marriages help in founding the new relationship between females and males. Also, this is thought to be the highest as well as the most important Institution in our society. The marriage essay is a guide to what constitutes a marriage in India. 

Whenever we think about marriage, the first thing that comes to our mind is the long-lasting relationship. Also, for everyone, marriage is one of the most important decisions in their life. Because you are choosing to live your whole life with that 1 person. Thus, when people decide to get married, they think of having a lovely family, dedicating their life together, and raising their children together. The circle of humankind is like that only. 

Read 500 Words Essay on Dowry System

As it is seen with other experiences as well, the experience of marriage can be successful or unsuccessful. If truth to be held, there is no secret to a successful marriage. It is all about finding the person and enjoying all the differences and imperfections, thereby making your life smooth. So, a good marriage is something that is supposed to be created by two loving people. Thus, it does not happen from time to time. Researchers believe that married people are less depressed and more happy as compared to unmarried people. 

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Concepts of Marriage

There is no theoretical concept of marriage. Because for everyone these concepts will keep on changing. But there are some basic concepts which are common in every marriage. These concepts are children, communication , problem-solving , and influences. Here, children may be the most considerable issue. Because many think that having a child is a stressful thing. While others do not believe it. But one thing is sure that having children will change the couple’s life. Now there is someone else besides them whose responsibilities and duties are to be done by the parents. 

Another concept in marriage is problem-solving where it is important to realize that you can live on your own every day. Thus, it is important to find solutions to some misunderstandings together. This is one of the essential parts of a marriage. Communication also plays a huge role in marriage. Thus, the couple should act friends, in fact, be,t friends. There should be no secret between the couple and no one should hide anything. So, both persons should do what they feel comfortable. It is not necessary to think that marriage is difficult and thus it makes you feel busy and unhappy all the time. 

Marriage is like a huge painting where you brush your movements and create your own love story. 

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Watch CBS News

Second gentleman Doug Emhoff admits affair during first marriage

By Nancy Cordes , Faris Tanyos

Updated on: August 3, 2024 / 10:02 PM EDT / CBS News

Second gentleman Doug Emhoff acknowledged Saturday to having an extramarital affair during his first marriage following a report about the relationship that appeared in DailyMail.com. The relationship with a teacher at his children's school occurred several years before he met and married Vice President Kamala Harris, the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee .

Emhoff's admission comes after the Daily Mail reported the teacher became pregnant in 2009, but did not have the baby. CBS News is not naming the woman involved in the relationship.

Two sources — both of whom were close to the woman at the time of her relationship with Emhoff — told CBS News that the woman's pregnancy ended in a miscarriage. 

Those two sources, along with a third source familiar with the relationship — all of whom spoke on the condition of anonymity — said that while Emhoff was legally married at the time to his first wife, Kerstin Emhoff, the two were separated when the affair happened. All three said that, contrary to the Daily Mail report, the woman did not work as a nanny for the Emhoff children. She taught at their school, though she was not teaching either child at the time of the relationship with Emhoff, the sources said.

"During my first marriage, Kerstin and I went through some tough times on account of my actions," Emhoff said in a statement provided to CBS News on Saturday. "I took responsibility, and in the years since, we worked through things as a family and have come out stronger on the other side."

Emhoff, who worked as an entertainment lawyer prior to becoming second gentleman, shares two adult children, Ella and Cole, with his former wife. 

In her own statement released Saturday, Kerstin said that "Doug and I decided to end our marriage for a variety of reasons, many years ago. He is a great father to our kids, continues to be a great friend to me and I am really proud of the warm and supportive blended family Doug, Kamala, and I have built together."

Court records show that Kerstin Emhoff filed for divorce in 2009. It appears to have been finalized in late 2010. 

A spokesperson for the Harris campaign declined comment. 

A source familiar with the situation told CBS News that Harris knew about the affair prior to their marriage, and it was also known to those in the Biden campaign who conducted the VP vetting process in 2020.

Harris and Emhoff met in 2013 and married in 2014. They do not have children together. Emhoff's adult children call Harris "Mamala," and their close relationship has been widely documented. Harris even presided over Cole's wedding last year.

Arden Farhi contributed to this report.

• Kamala Harris
• Douglas Emhoff
• 2024 Elections

Nancy Cordes is CBS News' chief White House correspondent based in Washington, D.C. Cordes has won numerous awards for her reporting, including multiple Emmys, Edward R. Murrow awards, and an Alfred I. duPont-Columbia University Award.

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